made a lieutenant colonel: notwithstanding all these instances, he said, it was well known that the brother of a noble earl (major Stanley) who was recommended by the town of Liverpool, could not obtain a single step after three vacancies; that the son and heir apparent of that great statesman, the late earl of Chatham, after having served in America and elsewhere since the commencement of the war, was refused to be appointed a major in the same regiment, and, although several of the first characters in point of rank and weight in this kingdom who had offered to raise regiments, were not even refused, but treated with the greatest contempt, and not thought worthy of an answer. Such being his worthy relation's treatment, the event took : place which might be well expected. After having chosen a profession for life, feeling himself thus insulted, marked out, and proscribed, on account of the political sentiments of his friends, however mortifying to him, he relinquished a profession which he could no longer pursue, consistent with the principles of a man of honour. His lordship, after speaking very fully to the question, said, he would vote for the motion on more accounts than one, as he had not a single doubt in his mind, that if proceeded upon, it would come out in proof fully to their lordships' satisfaction, that either the noble lord was totally unequal to the filling the post of commander in chief; or that his lordship was a mere cypher, acting under the controul and direction of others. Lord Amherst said, that the noble earl had arraigned his conduct in very severe terms respecting a matter in which a near relation of the noble earl's was concerned. As to the general state of the facts, they were tolerably correctly stated; but admitted of a very different conclusion from that drawn by the noble earl. If the rule of service was such as had been described, it was a rule equally applicable to every man; consequently, no man had a right to complain of a hardship. The hon. gentleman alluded to was an ensign; the rule forbid him to purchase, if there was an ensign in the regiment who would purchase. The hon. gentleman was a young ensign: another rule of service says, that the oldest ensign in the army, if there be none in the regiment willing to purchase, shall, if agreeable to him, have the preference before a junior. These were the rules complained of; if they were improper, that was clearly another question; but so long as they continued to be considered as established regulations, it was his duty to see that they were punctually obeyed.Noble lords had talked of partiality, concerning temporary rank, &c. To these charges it was difficult to find answers, because they were brought forward at different times, and urged in various shapes. As to giving temporary rank or raising officers suddenly from inferior rank, he was as much against it in the abstract, as any noble lord who censured it; but it was in his opinion become not only a justifiable, but a necessary measure. It could be only supported on the ground of necessity, and that necessity actually existed. Augmentations were wanted, and they could not be procured in the ordinary way; in consequence of which, the offers of raising regiments were accepted; and the same necessity that obliged ministers to accept of those offers, induced them to adopt the substitute of temporary rank. Whether those measures were the best, he would not undertake to say, but certainly such promotions were not unprecedented. The late marquis of Granby was appointed a colonel in the first instance, and on the ground of that promotion rose in the army. There were many other instances of noblemen, who having raised regiments during the late rebellion, gained rank in the same manner; yet, he never heard that any complaint was made of injury having been done to the service thereby.-Several noble lords had complained, that certain propositions for raising regiments and corps were rejected, while others were accepted. For his part, he did not pretend to give an answer to the assertion. No application had been made to him, and if there had, he would not have acted upon it, but have laid it before the King, whose pleasure he would have reported. When his Majesty's pleasure was made known to him, it was his duty, so far as lay in his power, to carry it into effect. As to any particular part of his conduct, for which he was really responsible, he was ready to have it as closely investigated as possible; but he hoped, that noble lords, when they gave general opinions concerning his conduct, would endeavour to distinguish between what he transacted as from himself, and what it was his duty to do in compliance with the orders he received from others. He said, that sir David Lindsay had resigned at his own special request, and whether he had not, but was dismissed, he did not consider himself as accountable either way. As to the defence of Plymouth, the noble mover stated, that on a former day in debate he said, that he had done every thing which depended upon him; and that if the place was not in a state of defence, it was not his fault: and that consequently, this was shifting the blame off his own shoulders, and throwing it on sir David Lindsay. Allowing the words to have been correctly stated, he could not perceive the justice of the conclusion; for they did not impute any blame whatever to sir David; besides, if he remembered correctly what he said, for he was little accustomed to speak in public, it was, that it was impossible for him to be every where; that he had given his orders, and if they had not been obeyed, it was not his fault; so that that expression, so far as it alluded to sir David, left the matter just as it found it. He meant not to criminate any person, what he said was in justification of himself, and was spoken conditionally; for if Plymouth was not in the defenceless state it was represented to be, which he believed was the case; the censure could not fall any where. Lord King, in a maiden speech, spoke in favour of the motion: he condemned the conduct of ministry in very pointed terms, and attributed every particular misfortune which had befallen the country, since their entrance into power, to their treachery or incapacity. He said they had given the most pernicious counsel to their sovereign; that they had betrayed him, and deluded the people into a destructive war. For his part, he was at a loss to account for the conduct of those, who could continue to confide in men who had deceived them year after year, still holding up some new species of delusive hopes, which each succeeding year proved the fallacy, folly, or absurdity of. The support they received from a decided majority of that House, convinced him that the petitions of the people, and the votes of the other House, declarative of the existing undue influence of the crown in parliament, were as evident as any one proposition in Euclid. He said, the motion made by the noble duke met with his hearty approbation. An altercation ensued between lord Townshend and the duke of Richmond, which closed the debate. The House divided Contents 44, Proxies 7-51; Not-Contents 70, Proxies 22-92. the Illness of the Speaker.] April 14. Mr. Dunning rose, and said he was sorry to understand that his learned friend in the chair was indisposed. He knew the temper and disposition of his learned friend too well, to suppose that such an intimation would come from him as long as he was able to keep his seat; but as he was about to propose a matter of the first consequence, and what from its nature might be productive of a protracted debate, he would be glad to know, before he proceeded, whether his learned friend was in such a state of health as would permit him, without injury, to do his duty. The Speaker rose and informed the House, that he was indisposed, and had been so for some time; but notwithstanding that, he was ready to do his duty, sooner than retard the public business. Lord John Cavendish acknowledged the high obligations which that House owed him for his manly and independent conduct, for his unremitting attention to the duties of his office, and his abilities in the station which he had filled for so many years. Probably a recess from the incessant toils and labours attending his office might prove the means of once more restoring his services to that House and the public. The Speaker said, that for the last day or two he had been extremely ill. The constant attention to the discharge of his duty had greatly impaired his health; he was too full of gratitude and regret for past favours, and the apprehension that he must decline those services which it was at once his pride and duty to render to that House. He was advanced in years, and in a bad state of health: he feared the time necessary to the restoration of it, should that happen to be the case, would be much longer than the exigency of affairs would permit, and he therefore hoped the House would not impute to him any want of attention to the public service, any want of respect to them, if he declined remaining any longer in a situation in which he could not render himself serviceable, or answer the end of his appointment. Lord North, after passing several compliments on the Speaker, observed, that there was a vast deal of business before the House, which it would be extremely detrimental to the public to postpone. He hoped the learned gentleman had no real thoughts of resigning; but if he had, The Commons adjourn in consequence of and could not think of remaining longer in his present situation, he thought it would be very proper for the House to know it in time. He trusted that would not be the case; suppose, therefore, the House should adjourn to Wednesday next. Mr. Dunning then rose and moved, that at the rising of this House, it do adjourn till Monday se'nnight. He made this motion, he said, in expectation that his learned friend would, on that day, be able to fill that chair. sequence before the House, which must all stand still, particularly a motion promised to be made by an hon. gentleman, respecting America, which stood for that day; if therefore the learned gentleman's state of health would not permit his attendance, he doubted not but there were precedents which provided for the indisposition of a Speaker, by appointing one pro tempore; if so, he wished most sincerely that those precedents might be resorted to. Lord North said it was necessary to know, whether the learned gentleman, should the adjournment be put off till Monday se'nnight, had reason to believe that he would then be ready to attend his duty, because if he was, however inconvenient it might be, he should agree with cheerfulness to the motion now made; if, on the other hand, there should be no ground for any such expectation, he thought no time ought to be lost in the present pressing exigency of public bu Sir George Yonge said, that a delay of a few days could be of no great consequence; that the Speaker's health might be restored, and that his return to that chair would be an ample compensation for the delay. Mr. T. Townshend and Mr. Fox said a few words to the same purpose. The House then adjourned to Monday the 24th instant. The Speaker again rose, and gave the following narrative of his illness: that he had been taken ill late in the month of February last with a very severe cold, as he thought, the effect of which was a severe cough, by which, at times, he was near being suffocated. He was in good health, and seemingly of a sound constitution, when he took that chair, and for the most part so till the period mentioned. His constant attendance there prevented him from taking medicine; for his physician, while he continued in the constant performance of his duty, thought medi-siness. cine might be dangerous, but could administer no effectual relief. He continued in this state of health till the rising of the House before the Easter recess. He should have added, that his physician told him that it was a gouty complaint. He must confess, that he was almost worn out and exhausted before the recess, though he endeavoured anxiously to conceal it from that House. The recess in some measure restored him; but, as his physician informed him, the same disorder returned, though in a different way. The first day after the recess he was again attacked with a severe cold, which affected him on one side of his head, and continued gradually to increase till within the two last days, when it arose to a degree no longer to be borne, consistent with the proper discharge of his duty to that House. His physician had informed him, that it was the return of the same gouty matter which had again attacked him, though in a different part. He could undertake to promise nothing; but by what he could judge from his own feelings, he feared that he must decline his present situation. The noble lord in the blue ribbon he was much obliged to; but he was persuaded that a delay of one or two days would not put him in a state, or enable him to resume that chair. General Conway said the season was such as would not admit of delay; that there were several matters of infinite con. Debate on Mr. Dunning's Motion for an Address to the King not to dissolve the Parliament, nor prorogue the Session.] April 24. The order of the day being called for, The Speaker rose, and returned his hearty and sincere thanks to the House for their repeated kindnesses to him, during the time he had the honour of holding the distinguished situation to which they had elected him, but most particularly for their late very great indulgence to him, and the manner in which it had been granted. The latter, he said, had made so deep an impression on his mind, that he trusted it never would be erased; and he did assure the House in consequence of it, that the very important public business then before them should have no farther interruption on his account, being determined, contrary to the wishes of his friends, and contrary to the advice of his physicians, to persevere at all hazards in the discharge of his duty, at least for the present session, provided he found himself at all capable of undergoing the laborious fatigues of his office, and as long as his services should prove acceptable to the House. Mr. Dunning began with complimenting the Speaker on the recovery of his health, declaring, that the circumstance gave him as much satisfaction as he should have felt, had he proposed and carried the question on Friday se'nnight, which he then meant to propose, and which he then hoped he should carry. He said further, that he had other reasons to be well pleased that he had not proposed any question at the time to which he alluded, or on the day preceding, when another Bill, brought in by an hon. friend of his, had been under discussion, and which Bill, although the House had for reasons which had doubtless appeared to those who voted against it, sufficiently cogent and convincing, thought proper to reject it, he could not but consider, as tending materially to forward the object he had in view, in one instance at least, and that no inconsiderable one, and therefore, if his hon. friend would give him leave, he would then pay his tribute of thanks to him, for having brought it in. He said, he had more than once in the course of the day, on which his hon. friend's Bill was under discussion, thought of catching the Speaker's eye, but that he had forborne his intention, and he was now glad he had so forborne it, because having heard the doctrines that had been delivered in the course of that day, and having since learnt the fate of another Bill in another House of Parliament, which Bill was likewise calculated to further the purposes of the petitions of the people, he was the better able to judge of the intentions of ministry, and seeing, that in defiance of the three resolutions come to by that House on the 6th of April, it was their determination to defeat every measure that should be proposed, in compliance with the prayers of the people, and in conformity to the three resolutions to which he had just alluded, and that, not by any open, manly, uniform system, but by such means as should occur either in that House, or elsewhere, he was the better directed what steps were most adviseable to take, in order to give the people assurance that something more should be done for them, than a bare and naked resolution, that it was necessary that something should be done for them. It was idle to flatter the people, and deceive them by an adoption one day, of what was to meet with a rejection the next; much better would it have been, and much more fair to have given the first proposition a rejection at once, than to have held out false hopes, and to have acceded to a promise which was never intended to be fulfilled, could the fulfilment of it possibly be avoided. In the course of the progress of the business he had undertaken, the committee had come to three resolutions of the first and most serious importance, which the House had afterwards confirmed and ratified. He had next proposed two more resolutions to the committee, the one of which they had agreed to without a division, and the other had been carried by a majority upon a division. So far the prospect was fair and promising, but since the two Bills of his two hon. friends had been got rid of, (one by a rejection in that House, and the other by a rejection in the other) it became highly necessary to know whether his endeavours were to turn out promising in the beginning only to make the failure in future more certain. It had been objected, on those Bills being argued and debated, that neither of them would completely answer the prayers of the petitioners; most certainly neither of them would; no such extraordinary merit had been imputed to them. The truth was, it was incumbent upon that House to build something on the petitions of the people. The foundation of the building was laid by the three resolutions being carried on the 6th of April. The two Bills which had been since rejected, were designed as parts of the fabric; such other propositions as he, or any other member might think it became them to offer, would be offered as additional parts of that fabric. The whole superstructure could neither be erected at once, nor by any two, three, or four motions. As parts of it, and those very essential parts, he considered the three bills then in agitation; the remnant, by no means an inconsiderable one, of the Bill for the regulation of the civil establishment brought in by an hon. friend of his, to whose plan all sides of the House had concurred in attributing great merit; another Bill, brought in, or to be brought in byanother gentleman, under the denomination of a place-bill; and the favourite plan of the noble lord in the blue ribbon, the Bill for a commission of accounts. These three Bills, or such parts of them as passed, would form no small part of the superstructure to be raised; but in vain would it be, that the foundation was ever so solid and firm, or the superstructure ever so fair and noble, if by any sudden exertion of that very influence which the petitions complained of, an end was to be put to the progress of the building, and the whole was to vanish into air, or be suddenly shaken to ruins; he therefore meant to propose a resolution, which should at once put the matter past all doubt, and convince the people whether their prayers would really be complied with or not. His motion was, "That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, praying, that he will be graciously pleased not to dissolve the parJiament, or prorogue the present session, until proper measures have been taken to diminish the influence, and correct the other abuses, complained of by the petitions of the people." He was aware that it would be urged in objection to this motion, that it would detain gentlemen longer from their business or their pleasures than was usual. He declared, he for one had some business, and was as fond of amusement as a proper relief from the fatigues of that business as any other gentleman, but he considered the petitions of the people as an object of the first importance; that in order to prepare, discuss, and determine upon such measures as that House should think proper to adopt in remedy of the grievances complained of by the people, he was ready and willing to sacrifice his business, however profitable, his amusements, however pleasurable: but before he sacrificed either the one or the other, it was highly necessary for him to know that the sacrifice would be of some avail, and that what he gave up, would be atoned for by the essential service rendered to his country. With this view it was, that he had prepared the present question, and he had little occasion to take up the time of the House, or waste his own time in argument, to prove that gentlemen would not be kept much longer than usual from their pursuits, or from their homes, were his motion carried; because he could venture to assure them, that if ministers were sincere in their declarations, that the petitions ought to be complied with, and that it was fit something should be done in compliance with the prayers they contained, the whole that was necessary to be done, would take up but very little time in addition to the usual period of the session. He adverted to what had been said in the other House by a noble secretary of [VOL. XXI. ] state respecting the phrenzy of public vir tue, and in assertion that the complexion of the people at present was virtue run mad, and that it was the fit moment for that House to exert its authority, and to stand in the gap between the people and the crown. He ridiculed these expressions as indecent to the House of Commons, and dangerous in their consequences. If the Lords did stand in the gap, as the noble earl had phrased it, between the people and the crown, in a moment when the people were justly complaining of the undue influence of the crown, and in a moment when the Commons had solemnly resolved, that the influence of the crown was increasing, and had increased to a degree that required diminution, what might follow such an ill-timed interference, appeared to him in too dreadful a point of view to bear discussion, he would therefore pass it over, and leave it to all who heard him to picture it to themselves. He also noticed lord Nugent's declaration, that what was offered in the view of remedying the grievances of the people, were mere quack-medicines, calculated rather to destroy the patients than to cure their complaints; and referred his noble friend to a poem, which he said he had formerly read with great pleasure, in which the principles of the poet did him so much credit, and were so just, that they almost distanced the praise due to his poetry, but with the superadded beauty of his numbers made the whole an invaluable composition. The work he alluded to, he presumed the noble earl had perused, and every gentleman who heard him. He meant the poem entitled, "An Ode to Mankind,"* and which was directly the reverse in all its doctrines respecting the rights of mankind, of those doctrines which the noble earl had lately held in that House, relative to the influence of the crown, and the rights of the people. Observing that the House was more than commonly full, he said he was glad to address an assembly so crowded, and though he applauded the industry of those who had even fetched patriots from the other side of St. George's Channel, where they were engaged in discussing measures for the preservation of Ireland [alluding to sir John Irwin and lord Drogheda, who were in the House for the first time since the 6th of April] and brought officers of |