the conduct of several of the gentlemen | tish empire; yet, though not a very old who voted in the majority of the 6th of member, he was of sufficient standing in April. He would help him to a full an- that House to say, that he heard those swer, without resorting to the causes several subjects treated in the manner alwhich the hon. gentleman had so unjustly luded to; but America being at a disassigned. He believed, as much as the tance; the fate of the captured army hon. gentleman, that those who composed being long since decided; the millions the majority of the 6th of April, voted being funded, and the blood spilt, now agreeably to their consciences, and upon beyond the power of recovery, no harm a full conviction of the truth of the pro- could ensue from the noble lord giving a position that night resolved to be true; vent to that witty vein which was so natubut some, upon more mature deliberation, ral to him, and which he was known to and others from seeing the improper possess in a very eminent degree. Here lengths it was meant to extend the effects the charge was personal to the noble lord, and consequences of those resolutions, de- and assumed a different shape; so different, clined to proceed any further; the former as to forbid, in his opinion, the most exuhad returned to their wonted good sense berant fancy from indulging itself in witty and confidence in government; the latter declamation. What did it import? It went refused to proceed further, without know- to accuse the noble lord of having coring whither their partizans intended to rupted members in that House, in order lead them. Without, therefore, seeking to obtain a majority for the purpose of dethe cause of their subsequent conduct, in feating the petitions of a great majority of new sources of influence, or as operated the constituent body of the electors of upon by corruption, he begged the hon. England, and a still greater majority of the gentleman to consider, that it was much people at large. If the charge was not more likely that men did not think them- true, why did not the noble lord insist on selves bound to act wrong in every in- having the hon. gentleman's words taken stance, because they had done so in one down? This, he said, was the regular instance, and that others, who still ap- and parliamentary mode of proceeding; proved of the vote of the 6th of April, did not by rude and indecent contradictions not perhaps think it necessary to introduce in one part of his speech, and by an ata greater evil, in order to get rid of one tempt at ill-timed ridicule in another, enwhich did not seem to them so dangerous deavour to evade it by alternately ridicuto the state in its consequences. ing what the hon. gentleman had advanced, or giving it a direct unqualified contradiction, without a tittle of proof or circumstance to support it. He knew the charge to be true himself; and the noble lord was conscious, if he had put the proof of it on the hon. gentleman, that he would have made it good. The House might vote as it pleased; but the people must see, under the circumstances described, the real means which the noble lord had employed to procure a majority subsequent to the vote of the 6th of April. Mr. Rous observed, that the noble lord, with his usual dexterity, had evidently evaded the implied charge made against him by the worthy alderman. It was, however, of a very serious nature, and required another kind of answer than that which had been given by the noble lord. Blustering, and flat contradictions, and vociferous calls to order, might answer purposes upon some occasions; he had often known the noble lord to triumph by those means, but not quite so often as when the noble lord had recourse to his Mr. Sawbridge maintained, in most difort in the science of parliamentary de- rect and unqualified terms, his former asbate, that of turning into ridicule, and sertion. He was satisfied that the noble treating in a light and ludicrous manner, lord had, during the Speaker's illness, inthe most grave, important, and interest- fluenced or corrupted several of the majoing subjects. The burning of a town, the rity of the 6th of April; and more than loss of a province or army, did not, in that, he was convinced that he had tamthe common and vulgar apprehensions of pered with many. If the noble lord was mankind, furnish a proper subject for a prepared to meet the charge, he dared witty speech. The blood of thousands, him to take down his words; for if he did, and the waste of millions, did not, in his though perhaps it might be difficult to opinion, furnish a very apt thesis for hu- prove the actual corruption, he was ready mour or epigrammatic points, much less and fully prepared to go into the actual the loss of at least one third of the Bri-proofs of the tampering, or of offers having been held out to influence some of the members of that House to vote against their former opinions, their perfect conviction, and the interests of their country. Lord North said, he defied his accusers to make any such charge good against him; and if the hon. gentleman was so well informed on the subject, as he pretended to be, it was his business, as the accuser, to bring the charge forward; for as the hon. gentleman had avoided any specification, it was impossible for him to enter into a defence of his conduct till he knew the nature or circumstances on which the accusation was founded. Mr. Burke having declared his intention of not dividing the House upon any of the future clauses in his Bill, proceeded to press 42, insisting only to have the clauses read, and negatived, so that he might get rid of his Bill, that it should be neither an eyesore to his adversaries, nor call for the tiresome and useless attendance of his friends. One half of the members immediately quitted the House on this notice. The clause for allowing a certain sum only as a salary to the auditor of the receipt of the exchequer, the two, auditors of the imprest, the chamberlain, clerk of the pells, clerk of the pipe, and the four tellers, in lieu of all salaries, perquisites, fees, and other emoluments, after the death of the persons who now enjoyed those offices respectively, were then read. Lord North said, he did not approve of the clause as it stood now worded, but he liked the idea extremely well; he should therefore wish to have this clause postponed, and the chairman to report progress, and ask leave to sit again. Mr. Burke said, his patience and spirits were both exhausted; and begged the favour of the noble lord to be so kind and merciful, as to put an end to his sufferings, and negative this, as well as he had the four preceding clauses. His plan, if adopted upon the large scale on which he laid it down, would have saved to the nation above a million per annum, and it was hardly worth his lordship's while to torture him still further, by keeping him under the pressure of this unfortunate clause, for the trifling saving which would arise from it. Lord North observed, that it was then within a quarter of eleven; that the gentlemen who had sat out the whole evening were much fatigued with the multifarious business that had been brought before them; that the clause required some attention; and that as he and the hon. gentleman agreed in the principle, they might readily determine on the wording of the clause between themselves, out of the House. He added, that it could make but a difference of one day. The friends to the Bill said, that the noble lord was as well prepared now as he would be the next day. Why not alter the clause according to his own liking? for he might be assured, frame it as he might think proper, that side of the House would make no opposition. Lord North replied, that he had not, nor could then make up his mind upon the manner he would wish to have the clause altered, and if gentlemen were determined, he would regularly move, that the chairman do report progress, and desire leave to sit again. The other side insisting that the clause should be disposed of, the question was put, and the committee divided: Ayes 68, Noes 31, to report progress. Debate on Mr. Adair's Motion respecting the Petitions of the People.] May 19: Mr. Adair (Recorder of London) made his promised motion relative to giving satisfaction to the people respecting the grievances set forth in the petitions. The point on which his motion turned was, that the Malt Bill being now the only tax Bill which had not passed the House, and the principal money Bill of the session, that House would have no further controul over ministers as soon as it should pass that House; they might advise his Majesty to prorogue or dissolve the parliament, and by that means stigmatize the majority of that House as infamous to the latest posterity. A majority of that House had voted, that the influence of the crown had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished. They had done more; they had specifically resolved, that it was the duty of that House to redress the grievances complained of in the petitions of the counties, cities, and boroughs of this kingdom, and had, by acknowledging that it was their duty, bound themselves thereby to the people, and to each other, to give the petitioners relief. But though they had hitherto neglected to perform that solemn engagement to the public, they had it still in their power; but wait, perhaps, but for a few hours longer, and that power would be divested out of them for ever. A dissolution was agreed upon, on all hands, not to be very far distant; consequently, the present parliament would shortly be no more. He begged leave to explain particularly what he meant. The Bill which was to be read the next order, was the Malt Bill; that once passed, that House would lose all controul over ministers. The only measure which passed that House towards lessening the influence of the crown, was the Contractors' Bill. What was the fate of it? The principle on which that Bill proceeded, was denied by the Lords, who gave the most unequivocal proof of the reality of the influence, which they denied to exist. They put a negative on it, by which means the wishes of the majority of that House, and the people without doors, were frustrated. The only means then the House had left, was not to refuse, but to suspend the supplies, till some one grand effectual measure was carried through both Houses, and passed into a law. It was the only constitutional mode, and had been frequently resorted to when the other House, under the influence and direction of the ministers of the crown, had denied the people redress. He entered fully into the question, proved the indispensable necessity there was of taking some effectual step for the relief of the people, and concluded by moving, "That it is the opinion of this House, that no new burthen ought to be laid upon the people, until some effectual measures shall have been taken to diminish the increased and increasing influence of the crown, and to provide a redress of the abuses complained of in the petitions from the different counties, cities, and towns, in this kingdom." Lord North rose to reply, but the question being called for, the House divided : Tellers. YEAS Mr. Recorder of London? 54 NOES {Mr. Robinson- Mr. James Luttrell observed, that an Act founded on principles derogatory to the freedom of the people's choice of representatives, could not pretend to promote the freedom of parliament; that if property alone made friends to the liberties or purse of the subject, the House of Lords was more free than the Commons; but it proved the experiment to be absurd; for no man could dispute the enormous influence of the crown in that aristocratic assembly. The Act of Geo. 2, relative to qualifications, was carried by surprise at the latter end of a session to court the landed interest, and its inefficacy had been the only reason he could trace why such an Act had been suffered to exist. It was unconstitutional, because if the House of Commons could at their pleasure raise qualifications to hold seats, they might either totally abolish parliaments by requiring the 558 members to have 15,000. a year a piece, or at least raise it, so as to confine the people to a choice of representatives amongst a few of the most opulent families in the kingdom, which would amount to an aristocracy. The question therefore appeared to him, whether we should render more effectual an Act of parliament which ought to be repealed.Those who thought that evading that Act had produced ill consequences, should bring some proof of the fact. It should be proved that the great majorities of parliament which had plunged this country into a war with America, and suffered the waste of so much public treasure, were a majority composed of men, who, evading the Act of queen Anne and George the 2nd, had come into parliament in needy circumstances, and that their indigence had occasioned them to vote an American war derogatory to their conscience, and that the minister had been followed merely to gain a livelihood. It should be proved, that at the same time all the Lords' eldest sons, the members for the universities, all the Scotch members, all members of high rank and landed property in parliament, So it passed in the negative. The Malt had virtuously endeavoured to oppose Bill was afterwards passed. Debate on the Members' Qualification Bill.] May 23. On the motion for going into a Committee on the Bill," to explain and amend the several Acts for securing the freedom of parliament, by farther extending the Qualification for Members to sit in the House of Commons, and for rendering the same more effectual," all these ruinous measures, and proudly, with their independent fortunes, spurned at the influence of the crown, and shewn themselves above temptation. If that could be proved (the very reverse of which must stare every man in the face) then the hon. member's Bill might boast of a reformation of the House; then he might say, make the next parliament men of landed property, and the liberties and کو Scotch members tax English subjects, why were they not to be equally qualified? Theirs would therefore be, in the spirit and sense of our laws, a sham qualification. The House of Lords contained some peers without estates, and yet their eldest sons were to be eligible to sit in the House of Commons; and that was a sham qualification. The Bill therefore was undoubtedly a partial prosecution of professional men, annuitants upon landed security, monied men, and persons who reside in this country, and spend the whole income of their estates, situated in parts of the British empire though not in England. The Bill was indeed favourable to Westminster-hall: for it laid a foundation for litigious law-suits (there being no fine for a false accusation) and Westminster-hall was to vacate seats in the House of Commons, if the member's qualification was not to the jury's liking. The Bill had another very extraordinary effect, because those who supported it had earnestly opposed a proposition made relative to the Chiltern Hundreds, to enable members to vacate their own seats: and this qualification Bill puts it in the power of any member to vacate his seat, by disposing of 51. a year out of his registered qualification, and enables him to be chosen for any other place, by re-purchasing the same 51. a year. Though an annuity of 300l. a year upon landed security was a qualification, the Bill attempted to make it liable to very expensive law suits; a man out of parliament was not obliged to produce all the writings of his estate, because he had sold an annuity, and it certainly might lead a man into difficulties in other law-suits, to produce all the settlements under which he claims his estate. The Bill affected the virtue of reformation, while it was striking at the root of the constitution. The grievances of the people did not arise out of an evasion of the Act of queen Anne, and if they have not petitioned to limit more effectually their choice of representatives, Mr. Grenville's Bill was the fairest mode of trying the legality of a member's seat in parliament, and Westminster-hall ought not to interfere. The House of Lords and Commons would become equally aristocratical if this Bill passed; for if the principle of the Bill is once admitted, it is easy to add to qualifications, and only admit lords' eldest sons, and a few great families, to be eligible to sit in parliament. He therefore trusted that it would be rejected. The House divided: Yeas 89; Noes 28. [2S] purse of the subject will be better secured; | then he might lay the cause of all the grievances complained of by the people of England upon members of that House, who he presumes to have evaded the Act he means to render more effectual. But the fact was proved over and over again, that the influence of the crown had been, and ever would be, more powerful among courtiers and men of the first rank and fortune, than with those who were nearer the interests of the people at large. If the principle of the Bill was approved by any, it was upon a doctrine over and over again exploded in parliament, that the landed interest was the only constitutional mode of representation. It had been admitted by all parties, that officers were fit representatives of the people; that their professional information was of use; that they should in a free country hold themselves to be citizens and servants of the state, not vassals of the crown. It had likewise been admitted, that monied men, who pay to every tax, were proper judges of taxation, and it must be admitted that the house tax, and all the tax which monied men pay, took off a burthen from the landed property, as it assisted to raise the supplies of the war. It had been admitted, that gentlemen who come from the East and West Indies, dependencies of Great Britain, to spend their income in England, had as great a stake in the success of our wars, in the existence of our liberties, and in the taxes his fortune must largely contribute to, as any gentleman of 300l. a year landed estate. It must be admitted, that money was as necessary to raise supplies as land; that without a market the produce of the soil would not enrich the landlord, and that we cannot subscribe to the loan in kind. The Bill was therefore ill-founded if it rested on a principle that the landed interest would compose the most proper, the most wise and well-informed parliament, or that an independence of 300l. a year in land, would prevent them from looking up to titles, ribbons, high offices, or even places and pensions. He thought it a much sounder principle to lay down, that a free parliament can alone exist by a free choice in the people to chuse men for their abilities, integrity, love of liberty and useful knowledge, to conduct their business, and support their rights in parliament. It had been urged that it would prevent sham qualifications; but it was not adequate to that purpose: for the qualifications for Scotland were to remain at a third less than a qualification for England: and since [VOL. XXI. ] Governor Pownall's Bill to enable his Majesty to make Peace with America.] May 24. Governor Pownall moved for leave to bring in a Bill to impower his Majesty to make peace, truce, or convention with America. He said that there were at this time two factions in America, the one a French, the other an English faction, and that as the English faction predominated, he flattered himself a proper conduct on our part might lead to a speedy and happy conciliation. Mr. Eden objected wholly to the idea of making any proposition for peace, as there was every reason to expect that America would soon be glad to come to us with such overtures as we might accept of with honour to ourselves. "And in order thereto, be it enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that from and after the passing of this act, it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty to appoint such person or persons (subjects of Great Britain) as his Majesty in his wisdom shall think fit, and fully to authorize and empower the same to treat, consult, and agree with the said Americans, or any part of them, or with any person or persons acting for and in their behalf, to the said purpose of convention, truce, or peace. "And be it further enacted, that from and after the passing of this act, it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty to grant safe conduct to any such person or persons whatsoever, as his Majesty shall see cause and judge proper to receive on the ground of treaty for such convention, truce, or peace, in like manner as he is by divers ancient statutes impowered to do in the cases therein specified." Earl Nugent spoke in favour of the Bill, and said it was highly proper the King should have it in his power to make peace with America; for when they once knew his Majesty had that power, there was little doubt of their coming to us with Mr. Dunning's Motion for reporting terms, and such as we might close with. the Resolutions of the 10th of April.] For his part, he believed in his soul and May 26. The House went into a comconscience, that had the King been im-mittee on the further consideration of the powered to have made peace with the public petitions. Americans at the time they entered into a treaty with France, the war would have been at this time very happily ended. The House divided: For the question 52; Against it 113. The following is a copy of the Bill: "In order to remove all doubts or disabilities, which may prevent, obstruct or delay the happy work of peace, may it please your Majesty, that it may be declared and enacted, and it is hereby declared and enacted by, &c. &c. That his Majesty is impowered to make convention or truce, or to conclude a peace with the inhabitants of New-Hampshire, Massachuset's Bay, Rhode Island, and Providence Plantation, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three Delaware counties, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, in North America, convened in congress, or in any other assembly or assemblies, or with any person or persons authorized to act for and in behalf of the same, in such form and manner as he, by virtue of the prerogative of his crown, hath power to do in all other cases, and on such terms and conditions as in the course of events shall become convenient and necessary for the honour and welfare of his Majesty and his people. Mr. Dunning rose, and desired that the resolutions come to by the committee of the whole House on the petitions, on the 10th of April, be read. They were read accordingly. Mr. Dunning then enforced the necessity of reporting these resolu tions, and concluded with a motion to that purpose, at the same time reminding such members as had originally voted for those resolutions, that they stood pledged to vote for his present motion. This gave rise to a warm debate, in which Mr. Turner, Mr. Fox, Mr. Rigby, Mr. Byng, lord North, and others spoke. At length the House divided on the question for the chairman's leaving the chair; Ayes 177; Noes 134. Mr. Fox was warm, in treating those county members with great severity, who had made a part of the 233 on the 6th of April, and voted with ministry since. Mr. Rigby again called opposition a rope of sand. Mr. Turner said, he did not at all wonder at the right hon. gentleman's approving placemen; that fellow-feeling made a man wonderous kind. Mr. Turner ascribed the American war entirely to placemen. The Lord Advocate moved to adjourn to the 30th, which at 12 o'clock was agreed to. Lord George Gordon gave notice to the House, that on the 2nd of June, he should have the honour of presenting to their |