at length turn the scale decisively against us. He was sorry to commence prophet on the present melancholy occasion; but he could assure the noble viscount of what he seemed to be ignorant, or knowing it, wished to conceal; that if we attempted to stop neutral bottoms, with their cargoes, or the goods of enemies in neutral prize, our seas, as well as the ocean, would soon be visited by powerful squadrons; and in case we should persist, that force would be repelled by force: in short, if we should attempt to avail ourselves of our local situation, in the manner contended for by the noble viscount, besides Spain, France, and America, we should shortly have Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and Holland, for our open and declared enemies. This he could state with confidence, because he knew it to be the fact. Lord Camden said, he heard with asto- | taken away, would, without the special nishment what fell from the noble vis- interference of Providence in our favour, count relative to the future conduct of Russia: the noble lord acknowledges, that such a code of maritime laws as that so often mentioned in the course of the debate, has been promulged by the empress of Russia; that she has invited the other neutral maritime powers of Europe to accede to it; and the powers at war to submit to such regulations, as may be the re-bottoms, and condemned them as lawful sult of a treaty, or congress, or meeting to be assembled for that purpose; while the leading steps are already taken, communications made by the courts of Stockholm and Copenhagen, and the Dutch republic; in the very moment that France, not waiting for the result of the congress deliberations, assents in the first instance, and Spain has given the fullest assurances of a similar intention; in such a state of things, what does the noble viscount tell you? That it is all no more than a dream or a reverie; that the empress of Russia-Ministers had been, in his opinion, exknows her own interest too well, as connected with that of Great Britain; that France has only acceded to it from the mouth outwards; that Spain will never consent to it: in short, that the whole is a shadow, a mere fanciful creation, which no wise man can believe, nor no Englishman regard. If their lordships could swallow all this, he was ready to sit down. Before he had done, however, with this part of his subject, he could not avoid taking notice of a very singular part of the noble viscount's argument. The great advantage, says the noble viscount, this country derives from the locality of its situation, placed us between the northern and southern maritime states of Europe; it would betray the utmost folly, the most spiritless, if not treacherous conduct in ministers, should they neglect to avail themselves to the full extent of that situation, by permitting the Dutch, contrary to the law of nations, to carry naval and military stores to our foreign enemies. Here, then, was a complete acknowledgment; that if, through any mismanagement, neglect, or incapacity, the advantages to be derived from our local situation were rendered of none effect, by a combination among the neutral states to protect their own property against the belligerent powers; then, most clearly, that acknowledgment amounted fairly to this: that the efficient force we had to balance the great disparity between us and the House of Bourbon, when thus tremely to blame, in the beginning of this affair. They had wantonly insulted Holland; they had hurt her in her tenderest point, that of her commerce, and the advantages derived from it: and, they had accompanied those injuries with a degree of haughtiness, that created in the minds of the Hollanders the most deep and fixed resentments. France profited of the occasion; she brought over some of the provinces to her side; and spread a spirit of faction and discontent and dislike of the English, throughout those other provinces, which did not fall so fully into her views. No care was in the mean time taken to form any connexion in the north; to hold out exclusive benefits and advantages, in order to counteract the illhumour of Holland, or counterpoise her weight, in the opposite scale, should she join France; or, which amounted to nearly the same thing, promote her interests, under the pretence of an armed neutrality. No; every thing was left to chance. Ministers, in a paroxysm of despair, seized the Dutch ships. This alarmed the other neutral powers, and produced the sudden declaration of the court of Petersburgh, the effects of which no man could yet pretend to foretell. He remembered, during the last war, the minister of that day, one of the first war ministers this or any other country ever beheld, adopted a very different mode of conduct. He believed no man doubted the spirit of the late earl of Chatham, his firmness, and love of enterprize; yet, undaunted as he was, his vigour of mind was happily tempered with judgment, penetration, and foresight. It was the politics of that day to confine national exertions to deeds not to words. The truth was, that we did at the time avail ourselves of our situation, but it was equally true, that we conducted ourselves with caution and good temper. He had the honour to be then one of the law officers of the crown. Numerous complaints were made; his advice was sometimes asked-what were the private sentiments of that consummate statesman, as explained to him in confidence? That our enemies mûst be cut off from the supply of naval and military stores, to the utmost of our power; but that all possible industry should be used to prevent any alarm; that the complaints of the neutrals should be attended to, every deference paid to the complainants, and speedy redress administered; but, nevertheless, that the great, the only object, should never be lost sight of, that of distressing the common enemy, and depriving them of the sinews of war. This was the system the earl of Chatham acted upon; this was the moderation he displayed in the very zenith of glory and victory, in the rapid career of the most unprecedented success that any country could ever boast of. He insulted no man because he had the power to do it; he crouched to no man for fear of the event. His country was equally dreaded and respected. No injury went unredressed; no insult unchastised; and at the very moment when the naval power of Great Britain, if opposed to the aggregate of the whole naval power of Europe, would preponderate the scale; that truly wise, as well as in every respect truly great man, arranged matters so, as to cause strict justice to be done to the meanest, or most insignificant state in Europe, as much as if the oppression of a private individual belonging to that state, if not redressed, would have been decisive of the war against us. The Earl of Sandwich defended ministers against the imputation of incapacity or neglect, in permitting the division of Poland and of the dominions of the late elector of Bavaria. Such an interference he said would have probably involved this country in a continental war. It was impossible that any one noble lord who heard him, could more sincerely lament the misfortunes and difficulties into which we were plunged, and by which we were surrounded, than he did: but when he said this, he was free to declare, that he knew of no method so likely to extricate us, as acting with resolution and spirit ; nor that there could be a better proof given of our wisdom than availing ourselves of the locality of our situation, by intercepting all military or naval stores destined for the use of our enemies, be the consequence what it might in respect to the neutral powers. Continental connections had always, and ever would be productive of continental wars; and after the expe rience of the four great wars since the Revolution, he believed, no real friend to his country would wish to behold a fifth. When he said this, he was far from insinuating, that alliances were not very necessary, and even subsidy treaties very desirable, under certain circumstances; but that all depended upon the nature of those circumstances. He remembered, when he was a young man, much too young to be honoured with the high trust his sovereign was graciously pleased to repose in him, [ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary, in 1748, to treat of peace at Aix-la-Chapelle] a treaty was entered into with the then empress of Russia, for a body of 40,000 troops, to be marched through the heart of Germany, into Flanders. He remembered the signal benefits which were the consequences of that measure; for from the very day the troops were put in motion, till the instant the preliminaries were signed, he perceived that the French minister began to lower his tone, and became more ready to listen and attend to reason. But he feared, that the present system of Europe forbid us to entertain any such expectation, or any hopes of success. The other great powers of Europe stood aloof. It was a contest in which they could not be persuaded that they had any eventual interest. It arose between ourselves and our subjects, in the first instance, and at length brought on a maritime war between us and the House of Bourbon. There were besides distinct considerations, that prevented the other powers from interfering in the quarrel. One in particular, that the objects contending for, were not situated in Europe, but in America; consequently, that what was called the balance of power in Europe, was not affected by our disputes. Upon the whole, therefore, since it was a maritime struggle, and that we possessed the advantages he had so often alluded to, he thought we should be in fatuated to the last degree, not to improve them. He would therefore give a negative to the noble earl's motion. The Duke of Grafton was astonished, how the noble earl who spoke last, could have made such a detour upon subjects very little connected with the motion. The preliminaries of peace agreed to at Aix-la-Chapelle were well known, so was the Russian treaty; admiral Byland's having been stopped in the Channel, &c. but what was all this to the question? The real question before their lordships was, to have the papers moved for laid before the House; and, upon knowing how ministers conducted themselves, to act accordingly; if criminally, to pass a vote of censure upon them, and address for their removal; if not, to advise his Majesty to adopt such measures, as the very critical situation of affairs might render necessary. At present the prospect was alarming. If the neutral carriers and owners were stopped indiscriminately, their ships and cargoes condemned, it could not be doubted, that a rupture with the armed confederacy would be the consequence. Notwithstanding the language of desperation used by the noble earl, he the principle of right was not strictly contended for. It was on this ground chiefly, that the motion met with his approbation. Ministers had been tried, and had proved themselves totally unequal to the task. They had been loud without effect; oppressive without exertion; they had, on the other hand, been cringing without management, and mean without being able to persuade. The Earl of Mansfield said he was ready to agree with the learned lord (Camden) and the noble duke who spoke last, that all possible circumspection should be used, in order to avoid giving any real cause of offence. He believed the fact was so, for he had not yet heard that a single Russian ship had been captured; or that a single complaint on that head, had been made by the court of Petersburgh. The Dutch in former times often complained, as they do now; even during the last war but one, when we were acting as allies together on the continent, he was then one of the law officers of the crown, during which time he had been frequently consulted, but the particular case always explained itself, without appealing to any general rule. His lordship said, he chiefly objected to the motion, though in one sense he thought it harmless enough, because it would be a waste of time to no manner of purpose. Every noble lord who heard him, knew that the papers moved for were publicly known to exist. What, then, is the end of producing them? The noble lord who made the motion tells you, in order to found a vote of censure upon them, against the noble earl who spoke lately, or some of his colleagues in office. Now, that was the only reason which induced him chiefly to give his vote for with-holding the papers. It signified very little if the mere motion went; but it was that which was meant to be engrafted upon it which he was solely against; for he would never give his vote for censuring those who had, in his opinion, faithfully and ably discharged their duty, which he must do, if he voted for the present motion. trusted there would not be found a second man in the kingdom of the same mind. On the other hand, if this high sounding language was only assumed to answer a temporary purpose with their lordships, by holding out a salvo for the national honour, while it was secretly intended to permit the neutral powers to assist our enemies with naval stores, then the fatal consequences predicted by the noble earl who spoke last, would certainly take place, and we must at length sink under the collected weight of the House of Bourbon, thus abetted by our pretended friends, but real enemies. But he trusted, if their lordships would, as in duty they were bound to do, consent to take up the matter, both of those dangers and fatal extremes might be easily avoided. The supplies, if not totally, might in part, and perhaps that was all that was necessary, be cut off; and that without involving us in hostilities with the northern powers. There was in his opinion a medium to be taken: for his part, he was astonished how ministers could have missed it; nor was it yet shut finally against us. As the learned lord who spoke lately judiciously hinted, the desired effect might be produced, without any formal avowal; measures of force might be used, and yet all the parties rest contented when The House divided: Contents 32, Proxies 7-39. Not-contents 62, Proxies, 32-94. Lord George Gordon presents the Petition of the Protestant Association-Proceedings in consequence of the Riots.*] * "The successful resistance of the zealots in Scotland to any relaxation of the penal laws June 2. Lord George Gordon pursuant to notice presented the Petition from the Protestant Association. Above sixty thousand of the petitioners accompanied his lordship to the lobby of the House. Lord George said, he had before him a against Papists, seems to have given the first rise to the Protestant Association in England: for about the same time bills were dispersed, and advertisements inserted in the newspapers, inviting those who wished well to the cause to unite under that title; and lord George Gordon, who had been so active at the head of the mal-contents in Scotland, was chosen their president. On Monday, May 29, a meeting was held at Coachmakers-hall, pursuant to public advertisement, in order to consider of the mode of presenting a petition to the House of Commons. Lord George Gordon took the chair, and after a long inflammatory harangue, in which he endeavoured to persuade his hearers of the rapid and alarming progress that Popery was making in this kingdom, he proceeded to observe, that the only way to stop it was, going in a firm, manly, and resolute manner to the House, and shewing their representatives that they were determined to preserve their religious freedom with their lives. That, for his part, he would run all hazards with the people; and if the people were too lukewarm to run all hazards with him, when their conscience and their country call them forth, they might get another president; for he would tell them candidly, that he was not a lukewarm man himself, and that if they meant to spend their time in mock debate and idle opposition, they might get another leader. This speech was received with the loudest applause, and his lordship then moved the following resolution: "That the whole body of the Protestant Association do attend in St. George's-fields, on Friday next, at ten o'clock in the morning, to accompany his lordship to the House of Commons on the delivery of the Protestant petition;" which was carried unanimously. His lordship then informed them, that if less than 20,000 of his fellow-citizens attended him on that day, he would not present their petition; and for the better observance of order, he moved, that they should arrange themselves in four divisions; the Protestants of the city of London on the right; those of the city of Westminster on the left; the borough of Southwark third; and the people of Scotland resident in London and its environs, to form the last division; and that they might know their friends from their enemies, he added, that every real Protestant, and friend of the petition, should come with blue cockades in their hats. "Accordingly, on Friday, June 2, at ten in the forenoon, several thousands assembled at the place appointed, marshalling themselves in ranks, and waiting for their leader. About petition, signed by nearly 120,000 of his Majesty's Protestant subjects, praying for a repeal of the Act passed the last session in favour of Roman Catholics. His lordship then moved to have the said petition brought up. Mr. Alderman Bull second eleven o'clock, lord George arrived, and gave directions in what manner he would have them proceed; and about twelve, one party was ordered to go round over London-bridge, another over Blackfriars, and a third to follow him over Westminster. A roll of parchment, containing the names of those who had signed the petition, was borne before them. They proceeded with great decorum on their route, and the whole body was assembled, about half past two, before both Houses of Parliament; on which occasion they gave a general shout. "But however peaceable and well-disposed some of them might be, others soon began to exercise the most arbitrary power over both Lords and Commons, by obliging almost all the members to put blue cockades in their hats, and call out, No Popery! Some they compelled to take oaths to vote for the repeal of the obnoxious Act, others they insulted in the most indecent and violent manner. They took possession of all the avenues up to the very doors of both Houses of Parliament, which they twice attempted to force open. The archbishop of York was one of the first they attacked. As soon as his coach was known, coming down Parliament-street, he was saluted with hisses, groans, and hootings. The lord president of the council, lord Bathurst, they pushed about in the rudest manner, and kicked violently on the legs. Lord Mansfield had the glasses of his carriage broken, the pannels beat in, and narrowly escaped with life. The duke of Northumberland had his pocket picked of his watch. The bishop of Litchfield had his gown torn. The wheels of the bishop of Lincoln's carriage were taken off, and his lordship escaped with life, being obliged to seek shelter in the house of Mr. Atkinson, an attorney, where he changed his clothes and made his escape over the leads of the adjacent houses. "The lords Townshend and Hillsborough came together, and were greatly insulted, and sent into their house without their bags, and with their hair hanging loose on their shoulders. The coach of lord Stormont was broken to pieces, himself in the hands of the mob for near half an hour: he was rescued at last by a gentleman, who harangued the mob, and prevailed on them to desist. Lords Ashburnham and Boston were treated with the utmost indignity; particularly lord Boston, who was so long in their power, that it was proposed by some of the peers to go as a body, and endeavour, by their presence, to extricate him; but whilst they were deliberating, his lordship ed the motion, and leave was given accordingly. The Petition was then read, setting forth; "That the petitioners, sensible of the many blessings which, as Protestants and Britons, they enjoy, cannot but be alarmed at an Act, passed in the 18th of his present Majesty, repealing certain penalties and disabilities imposed on the Papists by a statute, enacted in the 11th and 12th of William 3, for further preventing the growth of Popery; and it is with the deepest concern that they petition this honour able House against a law which has already received the royal assent; but, as this Act was so suddenly introduced, and escaped without any material hurt. Lord Willoughby de Broke, lord St. John, lord Dudley, and many others, were personally ill treated; and Welbore Ellis, esq. was obliged to take refuge in the guildhall of Westminster (whither he was pursued), the windows of which were broke, the doors forced, and justice Addington, with all the constables, expelled; Mr. Ellis escaped with the utmost hazard. "Lord George Gordon, during these unwarrantable proceedings, came several times to the top of the gallery stairs, whence he harangued the people, and informed them of the bad success their petition was like to meet with, and marked out such members as were opposing it, particularly Mr. Burke, the member for Bristol. He told them, at first, that it was proposed to take it into consideration on Tuesday, in a committee of the House, but that he did not like delays, for the parliament might be prorogued by that time. He afterwards came and said, Gentlemen, the alarm has gone forth for many miles round the city. You have got a very good prince, who, as soon as he shall hear the alarm has seized such a number of men, will no doubt send down private orders to his ministers to enforce the prayer of your petition.' "General Conway, and several other members, expostulated with him very warmly on the mischiefs that might arise from such conduct; and colonel Gordon, a near relation of his lordship's, went up to him and accosted him in the following manner: 'My lord George, do you intend to bring your rascally adherents into the House of Commons? If you do the first man of them that enters, I will plunge my sword,-not into his, but into your body.' "While his lordship was making his second speech to the mob, another of his relations, general Grant, came behind him, and endeavoured to draw him back into the House, and said to him, For God's sake, lord George! do not lead these poor people into any danger.' -His lordship, however, made the general no answer, but continued his harangue- You [VOL. XXI.] so hastily passed, before the sense of the nation at large could be obtained, or any opposition formed against it, they are encouraged to hope that this application will not prove too late for redress; and that, notwithstanding the late Act might be intended to repeal only detached parts of a single statute, the petitioners conceive, that it is an absolute repeal of the most essential clauses in that statute, and will operate virtually to render those Acts against the Papists that are yet unrepealed of none effect; and that the petitioners apprehend, that the Papists construe the late indulgence of parliament to be a toleration of Popery, as appears by the mass see,' said he, in this effort to persuade me from my duty, before your eyes, an instance of the difficulties I have to encounter with from such wise men of this world as my honourable friend behind my back.' "Alderman Sawbridge and others endeavoured to persuade the people to clear the lobby, but to no purpose. The assistant to the chaplain of the House of Commons likewise addressed them, but gained nothing except curses. Soon after this, a party of horse and foot guards arrived. Justice Addington was at the head of the horse, and was received with hisses; but on his assuring the people that his disposition towards them was peaceable, and that he would order the soldiers away, if they would give their honour to disperse, he gained their good will. Accordingly the cavalry galloped off, and upwards of 600 of the petitioners, after giving the magistrate three cheers, departed. "The greatest part of the day, the attention of the House of Commons had been taken up in debates concerning the mob. When they had obtained some degree of order, lord George introduced his business with informing them that he had before him a petition signed by near 120,000 of his majesty's Protestant subjects, praying, A repeal of the act passed the last session in favour of the Roman Catholics,' and moved to have the said petition brought up. Mr. Alderman Bull seconded the motion, and leave was given accordingly. Having brought up the petition, his lordship then moved to have it taken into immediate consideration, and was again seconded by Mr. Alderman Bull. "After some debate, the House divided, and there appeared 6 for the petition, and 192 against it. Soon after this the House adjourned, and the mob having dispersed from the avenues of both Houses, the guards were ordered home. Though order and tranquillity were re-established in this part of the town, it was far otherwise elsewhere, &c." For an able Summary of the Proceedings of the Rioters, see Annual Register for 1780, pp. 190, 254. [2 U] |