THERETO--PROVINCES EXISTING DANGER OF SEPARA- H AVING thus stated those reasons and arrangements which pertain to the general question of union into federate systems-I proceed now to detail some more specific considerations, which belong separately to the systems I have mentioned—and begin with that of British North America. The provinces which already exist in our North American territories must each be considered separate communities and we must suppose them to have been each and all of them prepared, as I have already described in the preceding pages with respect to SETTLEMENTS and to PROVINCES.-I assume that their boundaries have all been determined;—and that those of the Canadas have not only been determined, but greatly narrowed. In all of them the population transcends 10,000-and a representative government exists in all. But there is already a very large population scattered over the wild lands that lie in the basins of the rivers flowing north ward, and falling into Hudson's Bay. The climate in this interior we have every reason to believe is not so rigorous as that of Quebec-and the land is described of the highest fertility. Of late, discoveries have been made of great mineral wealth on the shores of Lake Superior, and a large and growing population is there requiring the restraints of law; but unfortunately no provision exists-no thought is given to these peoplethey lie out of the usual routine of the Colonial Officeand everything connected with them is left to chance and to force. The strong hand rules-and every possible atrocity is being enacted, where nominally the dominion of England extends-and where her law is said to be paramount. When all that I assume to have been, has actually been accomplished, I propose to unite into one federate system the following separate colonies: Population. 1. Nova Scotia and Cape Breton 199,906 (1837) And now the reasons may be stated which justify this specific proposal. * I have placed a quære here, because, though to me it appears evident that Newfoundland by interest is linked with the continent adjoining yet such may not appear to be the case to the people of Newfoundland themselves: I would therefore give them the option of joining the union if they desired. No one disputes at this time the assertion, that our provinces in North America must soon be independent. A few years since, and I was nearly hooted out of the land for stating this disagreeable truth. But now the world forgets its own injustice, and quietly and complacently acquiesces. But when I did make that statement, it was always with the carefully-expressed proviso-if you do not take steps immediately of a peculiar and decided character. The separation of the British North American colonies from England, in itself, never to me appeared a calamity -provided: 1. First, that the separation was amicable. 2. And second, that they were not added to the United States, but were formed into one independent federation -governing themselves, and united in bonds of friendship with England. The extension of the power of the United States to the North Pole I have always considered an event fatal to the maritime superiority of England. Possessed of the St. Lawrence, the United States would, in fact, have no frontier to defend. Her offensive and defensive power would be increased by that acquisition to an extent, that would render her influence dangerous to the general liberty of the world. I seek, therefore, to prevent that acquisition. We cannot do it by doggedly and tenaciously attempting to keep things as they are on the American Continent-but we ought to look forward—and so prepare for the future, as to render the existence of a new confederation not only probable but certain—a confederation which would prove a counterpoise to the gigantic empire and influence of the United States-a DANGER OF SEPARATING PROVINCES. 189 confederation, in which there are really no hostile interests. No slavery exists there to separate north from south ;-no variety of climate, by producing different commodities, renders necessary different markets, and thus tends to separate interests. The chief products of British North America find their best market in England, or the dependencies of England, and there is, therefore, no jealousy between the separate provinces created by different commercial connexions and necessities. Geographically, they are one people-and may, in despite of their rigorous climate, form by union a really powerful federate community-which, with the friendship and alliance of England, may not only easily maintain itself independent, but constitute a formidable counterpoise to the United States. If we, however, are determined to consider our colonial dominion immortal;-if we do nothing to relieve the people now living in those provinces from the humiliations of a contrast between their own inferior position and that enjoyed by the citizens of the republic by their side, we shall alienate the now colonists. from our rule; they will seek to obtain independence in the readiest way which offers, and that will then be, by joining the United States as separate and independent states, and becoming members of the republican federation. They will leave us with a hostile feeling-they will leave us probably after a rebellion and a war-they will throw themselves upon the United States for assistance. That assistance will be given, a war with the United States will follow; and whatever may be the valour of our armies, or the skill of our generals, the result is in evitable; the whole continent will be violently wrested from our grasp, and we shall remain shorn of our pro our means, gasping and a world made our bitter vinces, seriously injured in bleeding at every pore, with foes-and without a friend or ally, either in Europe or America. This language I have always held—and in order to prevent such a fatal catastrophe, I have pressed upon the attention of successive colonial ministers the necessity of preparing the colonies for emancipation and independence, not only with respect to England, but to the United States also. They have either been unable or unwilling to adopt or to frame any scheme for that purpose. But I did myself once propose a plan with that end in view-under very curious and important circumstances, but without any success. I now lay it before my countrymen. The plan, as originally conceived, was in some respects different from that which is now proposed. There are some reasons, however, which induce me to lay the exact scheme itself, in the very terms which were first employed to describe it, now before the world. The circumstances which induced me to propound it were, as I have said, curious and important, and I betray no confidence by relating the secret history connected with my proposal. Shortly after Lord Durham was appointed GovernorGeneral of Canada, and before he left England, a suggestion came to me, that I should please Lord Durham by waiting on him, and explaining to him my views with respect to the government of Canada, under the peculiar circumstances then existing, more especially in the province of Lower Canada, I had for some years acted as |