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of Indians, tories, and regulars, he entered Cherry Valley, in the State of New York, on the 11th of November. The fort at that place was under the command of Colonel Alden, whose name it bore. He was unfortunately killed before he could reach the cover of the fort, upon which the enemy opened a heavy fire which lasted for three hours: but finding they could make no impression, they then desisted, and employed themselves until the next day in murdering and scalping the inhabitants of the place.

Before we close the record of events for 1778, it will be proper to call the attention of the reader to our allies, and to some circumstances which of our connexion with them.

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We have already seen that Mr. Silas Deane had on many occasions, transcended the powers vested in him by Congress, and that he had in consequence been recalled by that body, in a manner the least offensive to the feelings of Mr. Deane and his friends. On his arrival he was required by Congress to give an account of his transactions in France, and of the state of American affairs in Europe, as well as a particular account of the application of the funds entrusted to his management. Under a pretence that his papers and vouchers had been left behind, (though he must have known when he left France, that it was not the intention of Congress to send him again to that court,) he was unable to give any satisfactory explanation; and thus the affair remained until the 5th December, when an address appeared in the newspapers from Mr. Deane to the people of the United States. It was calculated and intended to excite a prejudice in the people against their representatives, and boldly insinuated that it was their intention to break the faith

plighted to their allies. This publication became the subject of debate in Congress, and excited such diversity of opinion and warmth of discussion, that Mr. Laurens was induced to resign his presidency, which was immediately given to John Jay. In the course of the clamour which this affair excited, Thomas Paine again appeared before the publick, under his former signature of "Common Sense." His situation enabled him to bring many things to light, which established almost to demonstration the truth of the suspicion before hinted, that Mr. Deane was to be the partner of Beaumarchais, in the unwarrantable claim which had been made upon the Congress for supplies gratuitously furnished by the French people. Mr. Deane had the art to gain over the most of the army to his side, by seizing occasion to declare his confidence in the Commander in Chief, though his declaration was immediately contradicted by the publication of one of his letters, in which he had strongly recommended that some of the European Generals should be invited to take command of our armies.

Monsieur Gerard, the Minister Plenipotentiary of his most Christian Majesty, to whom Congress had acknowledged the validity of the claim, fearful from the publick situation of Mr. Payne, that his publication was sanctioned by that body, presented a memorial to them on the subject, which produced the following resolution: "Resolved unanimously that the President be directed to assure the said Minister, that the Congress do fully, in the clearest and most explicit manner, disavow the publication referred to in the said memorial; and as they are convinced by indispu table evidence, that the supplies shipped in the Amphetrite, Seine and Mercury, were not a present, and

that his most Christian Majesty, the great and generous ally of these United States, did not preface his alliance with any supplies whatever sent to America, that they have not authorised the writer of the said publication to make any such assertions as are contained therein, but on the contrary do highly disapprove of the same."

This, though it may have been a commendable act, so far as it showed the disposition of Congress to redeem the pledge which had been given to Monsieur Gerard, was carrying the acknowledgment rather beyond the warranty of evidence. Nothing can be said indeed to justify the whole conduct of Congress as it regarded this business, from its first introduction in 1777 to the final rejection of the claim in 1818. Mr. Paine, to whom a hearing in the case had been refused by Congress, resigned his place of Secretary to the foreign committee.

It has been seen that the Count D'Estaing sailed from Boston on the 3d of November for the West Indies, a storm having compelled Admiral Byron of the British fleet to give up his design of offering battle to the Count. It deserves to be remarked as a singular fact, that on the very day that the Count sailed from Boston, a squadron of the enemy's fleet under Commodore Hotham, having under convoy a large number of transports with Major General Grant, and 5000 men, sailed from Sandy Hook, destined also for the West Indies. They had been despatched by Sir Henry Clinton, with a view to protect the English West India islands from the offensive measures which had been pursued by the Marquis de Bouille. The two fleets were for several days pursuing the same course, within a few leagues of each other, mutually ignorant

of each others situation or destination; but this would probably not long have been the case, but for a violent storm which dispersed the Count's fleet, and otherwise did them considerable damage. This was the third time that Providence seems to have interfered to prevent the meeting of the two hostile fleets. Commodore Hotham was more fortunate with his fleet, which all arrived in safety at Barbadoes on the 10th December, from which an expedition was immediately undertaken against St. Lucia, without suffering the troops to land.

The Count D'Estaing, having some days afterwards arrived at Martinique, heard for the first time of the movements of the enemy, and immediately prepared to go to the succour of the invested island. A considerable addition was made to his force at Martinique; but the Count was no favourite of the Goddess of fortune. Before his arrival at St. Lucia, all the fortresses on the island were in possession of the enemy; and after several vain efforts to recover it, and three desperate engagements by sea and land, he was compelled to abandon it to its fate, and draw off his whole force.

It was not until the fall of the present year, that Major Generals Schuyler and St. Clair were brought to trial on the charges alleged against them, for the abandonment of Ticonderoga. They were both acquitted of each and every charge, with the highest honour.

With regard to the sentence of the Court Martial passed on Major General Lee, of which we have before taken notice, Congress after a suspense even more cruel and tedious than in the cases of Schuyler and St. Clair, passed a resolution that it should be

carried into execution. In this again we have an example of the singular and unjust effect produced by the mode of voting. The resolution was voted for by four states only out of the thirteen, and yet this small minority were enabled by their decision to cast a stain upon the military fame and prowess of one of the bravest and best Generals of the age. Two of the states were not represented; and the representatives of five others were so divided as to have no vote.

Thus ended the third year of the struggle for independence, leaving the United States, notwithstanding some brilliant successes, in a situation infinitely more deplorable, than at any time since the first blow was struck. Georgia was in the hands of the enemy; the capital of South Carolina was threatened with a similar fate; rankling jealousies and disputes distracted their councils; their treasury was exhausted; their credit lost, even in the estimation of their best friends; and their illustrious ally beginning to think their demand was too high, when they asked for an acknowledgment of their independence. All the states however, had agreed to the confederation, with the single exception of Maryland; and there were still some determined friends of liberty who were willing to hope all things, and endure all things for the sake of securing that inestimable blessing. Peace was yet viewed through a gloomy vista of doubts and dangers; but there were spirits among the fathers of American freedom, to whom the glimmerings of hope shone amid the gloom, and whose bright examples were destined to lead to the glorious consummation of her promises. 29

VOL. II.

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