a duplicity of fuch a nature, that we ought to be ashamed of taking part in it. He wished to take the fenfe of the committee upon this fubject. A converfation enfued, in which Mr. Huffey and Mr. W. Smith cenfured the negotiation of the loan which ought to have been brought fairly to fale, and the emperor not have been put to the expence of 250,000l. commiffion, when we might have procured it for him at much lefs. Mr. W. Smith thought, if the emperor of Germany was convinced of the neceffity of reftoring peace to Europe, it was natural to fuppofe he might feel the fame neceffity as king of Hungary and Bohemia. He added, that if the houfe could perfuade themselves that the emperor, who had made war unfuccefsfully when fupported as he had been, could hope for better fuccefs when reduced to the force of his hereditary states, they faw things in fo different a point of view from himself, as to leave no common principle to argue up on. It was, however, very extraordinary, that if the French were really fo nearly exhaufted as was reprefented, the emperor fhould be fo ignorant of this as to deliver his refcript to the diet. This refcript was, in the course of the debate, mentioned by Mr. Joddrell, as ftating the readiness of his imperial majefty to enter into negotiations with the French, both as emperor and king: but it was afferted by Mr. Pitt, that this was only the emperor's ufual ftile, and did not bind him as king of Bohemia. On the refolution being put, the ayes were 77, noes 43. On the queftion for the fecond reading of the bill, Mr. W. Smith again requested the houfe to take the matter into ferious confideration. He thought it doubtful whe ther we were likely to obtain an equivalent for fo large a fum, and apprehended the question depended upon two confiderations,-the probability of any co-operation on the part of the emperor,-and the eth – cacy of that co-operation. The firft, from the refcript which had appeared, and from various other caufes, he thought at best but doubtful. There was no chance of his doing any thing on the northern or eaftern frontier of France. The difadvantage of attacking by the fouth-eaft department was well known and from a geographical defcription of the French frontiers, Mr. Smith learned the impoffibility of the emperor, as king of Hungary and Bohemia, doing any thing etfectual after he had concluded peace as emperor. From the situation of the king of Sardinia, and the hiftory of the fouthern states, Mr. Smith urged the uncertainty of aid from that quarter. If the emperor was difpofed to make peace, what fecurity, he asked, had we for any part of the loan? We were going to rifque four millions fix hundred thousand pounds, upon a chance for which no private gentleman would give 400l. of his own property. Mr. Fox ably fupported the fame fide of the question. The loan was again defended by Mr. Pitt, who thought there was no evidence on which the house could fairly come to an unfavourable conclufion against the emperor. He reprefented the credit of the houfe of Auftria as being as high as that of any other European power, and produced feveral inftances to corroborate his affertion. No decla. ration of the diet of the empire was, he faid, binding on his imperial majesty in his other and much more efficient characters, or any of the independent ftates. The whole hif tory of Europe demonftrated this. Did his majefty, when he furnished his contingent as elector of Hanover to any war on the continent, engage Great Britain in the conteft? Suppofing even a negotiation for peace was opened, did it follow that the terms fhould be immediately agreed upon, and that without confulting the interefts of the different fovereign ftates? and fhould we encourage the enemy to make larger demands, by endeavouring to leffen the power of the confederacy? Mr. Fox offered to produce any evidence that might be required, refpecting the intereft having been refufed to be paid upon the Vienna bonds. With refpect to thofe princes who were defirous of making peace, he obferved, that their object would be to prevent the paffage of the French or Auftrian troops through their territory. As to the diftrefs of France, on which fo much had been faid, it arofe from two caufes,-a fcarcity of provifions which was felt in many other parts of Europe, - and their internal divifions. The former was in a great degree imputable to the war; but the emperor had not peculiarly contributed to this diftrefs. He might indeed contribute to the divifions of the French, but it was by receding, not advancing against them. Obfervation plainly fhewed, that, exactly in proportion to the preffure upon them, their exertions had been increased. As to the improbability of an immediate peace between France and the states of the empire, the great bar was removed the French republic was virtually acknowledged. Another fact he should state, that the chancellor of the exchecquer had faid four months ago, that the emperor had agreed to bring 200,000 men into the field, on condition that we aided him with a loan of four millions, in which fum were to be included the advances already made. These four millions were now, however, to be made up, over and above thofe advances. If the transaction had been fairly stated in the first inftance, the emperor had already broken his engagement by requiring a larger fum than was originally ftipulated for. The refolutions were agreed to without a divifion : but the fecond reading of the bill was warmly oppofed by general Tarleton, general Smith, Mr. M. Robinson, Mr. Lechmere, and Mr. Fox. It was defended by the chancellor of the exchequer, and again read. On the third reading, Mr. Fox adverted to the furrender of Luxemburgh, and afked, whether, after the emperor had loft one of the most important fortifications in Europe, it was reasonable to expect any advantage from him in the prefent contest? whether, after the taking of that fortrefs on the 7th of June, a feason which once we had been used to call the middle, but now scarcely the beginning of a campaign, there were any rational hopes of any fuccefsful operations of the emperor against the French? On the queftion being put, the bill was read a third time and paffed: but it met with confiderable oppofition on the third reading in the houfe of lords. The dukes of Norfolk and Grafton thought the prefent motion had been introduced too abruptly, and strongly infifted upon the neceffity minifters lay under to explain a meafuse the most dangerous and deftructive that the worst of minifters, in the worst of times, could have propofed. The example of the conduct of Pruffia under fimilar circumstances, ought to have operated as a warning against G 2 the the prefent meafure, which was in general obnoxious to the nation. Lord Grenville denied that the loan was a burden upon the people, or ever likely to become fo. With refpect to Pruffia, it was, he faid, the first time he had heard, that, becaufe we were difappointed in one ally, we were to feek no further alhances. The majority of the people were, he contended, in favour of a continuance of the war, and fenfible of the propriety and neceffity of continental alliances! Much was to be hoped, and little to be dreaded, from the prefent measure. The inclination, the intereft, and the fituation of the emperor, all tended to give ample fecurity for the treaty, and to render it as beneficial as poffible to this country. The earl of Lauderdale ftrongly expreffed his furprise at the minifter having declined any arguments concerning the meafure, on the ground that he had already faid enough upon the former difcuffion of the treaty. The houfe might recollect that his lordfhip had at that time declined going into the fubject till the loan was difcuffed, when he would be prepared for whatever could be faid on the subject. The provifions of the bill were, in his opinion, quite inadequate to any fecure purpofe, even if the bill had been in its principle proper, which. it was not. From an accurate calculation, his lordship contended, that the terms of this loan, were as difadvantageous, as the fecurity was dubious on the part of the emperor. The creditors of the emperor, Meffrs. Boyd, Benfield, and Co. knew much better how to take care of their own intereft, than minifters did that of the country. He remarked that the bill contained no provifion for the re-payment of the money already advanced to the Au ftrian generals laft year: by this bill, indeed, the emperor might take the whole of the loan without doing any thing for it; and no fecurity was given that he would repay what he had already got. Upon the most accurate calculation, his lordship contended that the actions of the bank of Vienna were only a fecurity for a certain term of years, while there was to be oppofed to it an annual expence in this country for a time that would make its amount greatly over-balance all that would be produced by these actions. It had been stated, that the fums advanced last year might probably be paid back in November or December 1795: he was at a lofs to guess why thofe were to be reckoned the months of greateft plenty at the bank of Vienna. This money had been called for in December 1794; and it was in thefe choice months that the prince of Cobourg had defcribed the emperor's coffers as entirely drained. It was the fashion now to compliment the emperor as an ally: last year the fame courtesy had been paid to the king of Pruffia; and the confequences of both might probably be fimilar. When the treaty had first been introduced to the houfe, the minifter had laid much firefs on the anxiety of the emperor to ferve the common cause. What had he done this campaign? At this period of the last year, the fate of the campaign had been decided; fince which, nothing had been done either to profecute the war or to facilitate peace. His lordship noticed the capture of Luxemburgh, and the difafters and calamities which fo conftantly preffed upon each other during the prefent war, and which alienated the minds of the people. We had been told, that, while continental alliances were neceflary, we were carrying en a vigorous naval war. Perhaps he fhould again hear of our having fent four and twenty thousand men to the Weft Indies: but melancholy was the reflection, how few of thefe men had ever arrived. It was at the fame time a curious and diftreff ing circumftance, that, while minifters were boafting of their fucceffes in the Weft Indies, they were at the fame time obliged to iffue a million and a half of exchequer bills for the relief of the inhabitants of those islands, on account of the calamities of this fuccefsful war. His lordship next adverted to the meditated defcent upon France, and cenfured it as delufive, chimerical, and impracticable. He noticed the change which had taken place, by the death of the fon of the late unfortunate king of France, in the fituation of the emperor, who, whilft he lived, had a family intereft in the conteft, which did not now exift. Was it then to be fuppofed that he fhould enter with encreafed vigour into the war? In every view of the fubject, there was lefs chance of fuccefs in his exertions; and from every confideration of duty, intereft, and connection, there was ground to think he was fincere in his declaration to the diet, and infincere with us; he had no money to get there-here he expected a loan. His lordship concluded a Speech of uncommon energy and ability, by reprobating the meafure as unprecedented, abfurd, and ruinous. The measure was defended by the earl of Mansfield, as leading to a vigorous and neceffary profecucution of the war. His lordship thought the arguments juft adduced had a dangerous tendency-that of inducing the French, though they were fo nearly exhausted, to fuppofe this country on the verge of ruin, and the reft of the confederates in the fame ftate.. They would therefore regard themselves as the arbiters of Europe, and pretend to dictate the terms of peace. His lordflip ftated the different duties and interefts which flowed from, the emperor, in the different fituations in which he ftood, and had no doubt of the fulfilment of his engagements.. He ftrongly urged the neceflity of a vigorous profecution of the war, of which the prefent measure was a principal means. It was a war for the prefervation of order, government, civilized fociety, and the caufe of humanity. The earl of Guildford faid, that if the prefent war was neceflary for the prefervation of the objects defcribed, the probability was, we muft foon bid adieu to order, liberty, and civilized fociety, Lord Hawkesbury, viscount Sydney, and lord Grenville, ftrongly juftified the loan; and were further opposed by the earls of Derby and Lauderdale. On the queftion for the palling of the bill, the contents, including proxies, were 60, not-contents 12. CHA P. IV. Meffage from his MaDebts of the Prince Prince's Eftablishment. Marriage of his Royal Highnefs the Prince of Wales. jefly relative to an Eftablishment for the Heir Apparent. of Wales. Debates in the Houfe of Commons on the Mr. Pitt's Plan for the Liquidation of the Debts of his Royal Highnes. Debates on that Subject in the House of Commons. Debate concerning the Arrears of the Duchy of Cornwall during the Minority of the Prince. Bill for preventing future Princes of Wales from incurring Debis. Propofal of Lord Lauderdale for confulting the Judges refpecting the Arrears of the Duchy of Cornwall during the Prince's Minority. Debates in the House of Lords on the Prince's Debts and Establishment. been negotiated between his royal highness the prince of Wales, and the princefs Caroline of Brunswick, daughter to the celebrated duke who commanded the memorable Pruffian expedition against the city of Paris in 1792. From the troubled ftate of affairs on the continent, the arrival of the princefs in England was delayed till the 5th of April; and, on the 8th of the fame month, the royal nuptials were celebrated with becoming folemnity. On the 27th of April, a ineffage from his majefty was delivered to both houfes of parliament on account of the debts of the prince of Wales. It ftated the reliance of his majefty upon their generofity for enabling him to fettle an establifhment upon the prince and his auguft bride, fuited to their rank and dignity, that the benefit of any fettlement now to be made could not be effectually fecured to the prince till he was relieved from his prefent incumbrances to a large amount, but that his majesty did not propofe to his parliament any other means of providing for this object, than the application of a part of the income which may be fettled on the prince, and the ap propriation, for a certain time, of wall; declaring his readiness to concur in any plan of eftablifhing a regular arrangement in the prince's future expenditure, and of guarding against the poffibility of his being again involved. After the reading of his majesty's meffage, Mr. Pitt moved for a committee to confider it that day fe'nnight, upon which colonel Stanley moved for reading the addrefs to the house on the 24th of May 1787. Upon this being done, he obferved that the houfe had already liberally paid the debts of the prince; and he wifhed for a call of the houfe, that the attendance, upon an affair of fuch importance, might be as full as poffible. This was oppofed by Mr. Pitt, who ftated that it was not his majesty's intention to require a fpecific fum for the difcharge of the principal debts, but to fet apart a certain portion of that income which might be granted by the liberality of parliament, to their gradual difcharge. An establishment for the prince had long been a matter of general expectation. In a provifion to be made for fupporting the dignity and fplendor of the prince of Wales, it was certainly neceffary to |