cellent conftitution of Great Britain, and a government by king, lords, and commons, and to exert our beft endeavours to imprefs on the minds of thofe connected with us, a reverence for, and a due fubmiffion to the laws of their country, which have hitherto preferved the liberty, protected the property, and increased the enjoyments of a free and profperous people." Which having been read, Refolved, by a great majority, That this declaration be approved, and be fubfcribed by all fuch merchants, bankers, traders, and other inhabitants as may approve thereof, and that it do lie at this Hall for fignature. Refolved, That every perfon who fhall fign the declaration be defired to add his place of abode and defcription. Refolved, That the mafter and wardens of the grocers' company, together with Samuel Bofanquet, efq. Rt. hon. Thomas Harley. John Pooley Kensington, efq. Edward Kenfington, efq. Beefton Long, efq. John Lubbock, efq. William Manning, efq. Job Mathew, efq. John Mellifh, efq. William Mellifh, efq. Arnold Mello, efq. Jfaac Minet, efq. Thomas Parry, efq. René Payne, efq. John Puget, efq. William Raikes, efq. Thomas Raikes, esq. John Read, efq. Edward Simeon, efq. John Smith, efq. Alexander Hendras Sutherland, efq. Samuel Thornton, efq. Godfrey Thornton, efq. John Whitmore, esq. William Whitmore, efq. Mark Weyland, efq. being the names of those gentlemen who have stood forward to call this meeting, be a committee to attend the figning of this declaration, and they are hereby requefted to caufe the fame to be published in the newspapers, and in any other man、 ner they may think advisable. Refolved, That the thanks of this meeting be given to the mafter, wardens, and committee of the grocers' company for the very polite and friendly manner in which they have afforded the ufe of the hall for the meeting this day. A motion was made and fe conded. That the thanks of this meeting be given to the chairman for his firm, upright and impartial conduct in the bufinefs of this day. Proteft againf the Bill entitled "An At for the Safety and Prefervation of his Majesty's Perfon and Government against Treasonable and Seditious Practices' and Attempts. DISSENTIENT, 1. Because we conceive this bill to be founded on a falfe pretence. It recites a daring outrage on his majesty's perfon, (which we feel with the utmoft horror) and purports to provide further remedies against fuch practices, while, in reality, it affords no additional fecurity whatever to his majefty's perfon, and leaves us to regret a deep and irreparable injury to the Jaws and conftitution of our country, by making the compaffing, imagining, inventing, and devifing the levying war a fubftantive treafon; thereby departing, in a moft dangerous and unjustifiable manner, from the ftatute of the twentyfifth of Edward the Third; the falutary provifions of which we cannot be tempted to abandon, by the example of temporary ftatutes, whofe doubtful policy ftands in oppofition to a law, in which the wifdom of our ancestors has been fo repeatedly recognized by the legiflature, and fo ftrongly confirmed by the * permanent experience of its benefits. 2. Because the free difcuffion of the administration of government in all its branches, by writing, fpeaking, and meeting for the purpofe of reprefenting grievances to any of the three branches of the legislature, has afforded the best protection to the liberties of the people, and is the undoubted inherent right of Englishmen. Yet this bill erects into a high misdemeanor, the exercife of this most valuable privi-lege, and inflicts in certain cafes the pains and penalties of tranfporta tion for the offences which it creates; a punishment in the cafe of mifdemeanors, thus generally conftituted, as unprecedented in the hiftory of our laws, as it is unneceffary and unconftitutional. 3. Because the extenfion of the treafon laws, and the creating new mifdemeanors, is an alarming encroachment on the fecurity of the fubject, and affords no additional protection to his majefty's perfon and government; for the fate of every king, ruler, and governor ́of any realm, dominion, or commonwealth, ftandeth and confifteth more affured by the love and favour of the fubjects toward their fovereign, ruler, and governor, than in the dread and fear of thofe laws with rigorous pains and extreme punishments, which have at all times difgraced our code. Hiftory, howeever, fhews us, that by fucceeding legiflatures, our ftatute book has, with every mark of generous indig nation, been uniformly cleared of thefe temporary and unconstitutional excrefcences; a circumftance which we now regard as a folemn warning againft creating new and unheard of mifdemeanors, or altering the treafon laws of our country. BEDFORD, DERBY, LAUDERDALE. ift, Because, though we cordially agree in the above ground of Proteft, yet we think it further neceflary to ftate, that- Although the bill induftrioufly difplays the acknowledged right of Englishmen, a right effential to a free conftitution, of deliberating on grievances in church or ftate, and of preferring to the king and each houfe of parliament petitions, complaints, remonftrances, and declarations thereupon, yet it proceeds to lay the whole exercife of that important and facred privilege under a reftraint and difcountenance, which directly and abfolutely annfhilates the right. The very propofition of any matter which thall tend to incite or ftir up the people to hatred or contempt of the government and conftitution of this realm, as by law established, makes the affembly liable to be di fperfed by any one justice of the peace, under the pain of felony, without benefit of clergy, if any twelve remain together an hour after proclamation, even though they fhould not proceed on the prohibited bufinefs. Nay, if any, one juftice fhall think fit to arrest any perfon holding any difcourfe to the above effect, to be dealt with according to law, and shall meet with obftruction, whether the orator and obftructor be fuborned or not, the whole affembly is liable to be treated in this harsh and unprecedented manner. Now the cafe to which these terrible confequences are attached, is unavoidable, being a neceffary incident to the exercife of the right; for no grievance can be made the fubject of deliberation, much lefs of complaint and remonftrance, without drawing down upon it that odium, which its injurious tendency, or that contempt which its abfurd incongruity may feem to merit; that is, without reprefenting it as a grievance. So that an occafion, even without ftraining, can never be wanting to fupprefs the exercife of this franchife. 2dly, Because the fevere provifions of this bill, not only apply to all affemblies convened by the exertions of private fubjects in the manner exprefsly claimed for Englifhmen by the Bill of Rights, but to all the other affembles mentioned in the Act, as appears from a confideration of the following words"Such meeting or affembly, as is herein before mentioned, to which every justice of peace is authorized and empowered to refort with any number of conftables, or other officers of the peace, and to do, or order to be done, all fuch acts, matters, and things, as the cafe may require," quire."-Now although it be not exprefsly provided, that deliberating on any grievance in church, or state, shall be deemed a crime, except in affemblies convened by private fubjects, yet the abovementioned authority, to arreft men holding difcourfe to fuch effect, to be dealt with according to law, does fo flagrantly imply it, that the zeal of any juftice of the peace, who fhould fo understand the phrafe, may regard this as affording ample countenance to his efforts. Happily, in the clafs of magiftrates in this country, are men whofe worth and honour render them refpectable but we cannot forget that many are not only appointed by the minifter during his pleasure, but are in a state of apparent fubjection to his caprice, and fome even, paid by him for the exercise of their office, have their dependance on that caprice for their daily bread. It is therefore but too eafy to foresee how fuch an occafion will be applied. 3dly, Because the provifions in the conclufion of this bill form a worthy fequel to the foregoing meafures, differing not in principle, but only in extent and application, The prohibition of unlicenfed difcourfing upon law, conftitution, government, and policy, at meetings not fanctioned by the facred occafion of a free people applying to their legislature, interrupts private inftruction, and the freedom of private difcourfe. The perufal of books, recommended by univerfal esteem, and the authority of names the most venerable, is an indulgence, however, that ftill remains. We are only forbidden to talk of what they contain. We therefore think it our bounden duty, thus folemnly to mark the 1795 ignominious difference between this impaired state of English liberty, and that which was fo nobly demanded, and fo honourably conceded, at the aufpicious æra of our happy and glorious revolution. It is in vain that by the rapidity with which this bill has proceeded, the petitions, complaints, remonftrances, and other addreffes of an irritated people, have been evaded. It is in vain to hope that the length of time for which it is to endure, will lay the public anxiety to fleep. The people cannot cease to regard this invafion of their rights with grief and difmay. They feel with us that even indifference would extinguifh this fundamental franchise, this fafeguard of all our liberties, for ever. BEDFORD, LAUDERDALE, ALBEMARLE. Speech of his Excellency Earl Fitzwilliam, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to both Houses of Parliament, Jan. 22. My lords and gentlemen, In obedience to his majefty's commands, I refort to your councils at a period which, in a peculiar manner, calls for the wisdom and energy of parliament. His majesty's determination is fixed; as long as he is fupported by his faithful fubjects, he never will be wanting to them or to himfelf; his majefty has no interest but that of his people; no views but for their happiness; no object but their general fafety. The uniform tenor of your conduct has demonftrated, that you will not only be defirous, but zealous to fecond and emulate the magnanimity of a fovereign, form ed to lead a nation that has ever been as firm to affert its liberties, as affectionately devoted to a government which maintains its own authority, for the fole purpose of fupporting those liberties. As you are thus cordially attached to that fovereign, and to the conftitution, which it is his glory to protect, I have to announce to you, with true fatisfaction, what you will hear with equal pleasure, the intended marriage of his royal highnefs the prince of Wales, with the princefs Caroline Amelia Elifabeth, daughter of his moft illuftrious highnefs the duke of Brunswick and Lunenburg; a princefs of that illuftrious houfe, to whofe mild and conftitutional fway thefe kingdoms are highly indebted for the bleffings they enjoy this marriage promifes the perpetuation of the fame bleffings under the fame house. I have it alfo in command to inform you, that his majesty has concluded a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation with the United States of America, in which it has been his majesty's object to remove, as far as poffible, all grounds of jealoufy and mifunderstanding, and to improve an intercourfe beneficial to both states. As foon as the ratification of this treaty fhall have been exchanged, and I fhall have received a copy of it, I will direct it to be laid before you, in order that you may confider if it will be neceffary to make any provifions for carrying into effect a treaty, in which the commerce of this kingdom is fo materially and extenfively interested. Gentlemen of the houfe of the public accounts, to be laid before you. His majesty has that affured confidence, grounded on a long and uniform experience of your loyalty, and your zeal for his fervice, and the good of your country, that I think it unneceffary to press you, in any particular manner, to make a provifion adequate to the prefent awful fituation of affairs. It is with pleasure I acquaint you, that the provision will, in fome degree, be facilitated by the circumftance, that, during the existence of fuch a war as the prefent, the public revenue, together with the commerce of the kingdom, has kept up, and has been even augmented: advantages, which are due to the care and vigilance of our fovereign, in the general protection provided by him for all his fubjects. My lords and gentlemen, I earnestly recommend to you a continuance of the laudable pains you have conftantly taken to cultivate all your domeftic advantages in commerce, in manufacture, and in fuch public works, as have appeared directed to promote thofe important objects. These are the true foundations of all public revenue and public ftrength. Your endeavours have had their fruit. The great ftaple manufacture of this kingdom has increased beyond the most fanguine expectations; an advantage principally owing to the conftant fuperintendance and wife provifions of the parliament of Ire land; and next to thofe, to the affured liberal and most merited encouragement, which it receives in the rich and extenfive market of Great Britain; a circumftance, tending to cement the union, and to perfect the harmony, which hap |