To the laity of the Romish religion we can only appeal as to men, and point out the way to make them free-men—free in their consciences; free in their temporal affairs. Without this freedom, they can never realize the full nature and scope of their intelligences, or lay claim to the prerogatives of perfect manliness. The individual who places his conscience in the keeping of another, divests himself of all individuality, and becomes the creature, the very slave of his consciencekeeper. In every sense, moral, social, and religious, he becomes a mere instrument, and as a natural consequence his whole being, his happiness or misery, his successes and defeats, his condition and circumstances, all are made dependent on the will or caprice of another.

This is not the case with him who devotes his conscience to a faith, instead of placing it under the dictation of a mere man. The difference is as broad as that between mutability and immutability—or between principle itself and mere profession. Principle is unchangeable—profession is changeable. Faith is reliance in a principle, and although faith may change 'under the dictates of the judgment, the principle remains. He, therefore, who gives his conscience through faith to a principle may retain and exercise his judgment; whereas he who gives his conscience to a human being creates a visible and present master over his judgment. In a matter of this nature the individual must choose for himself, taking the conseqences of good or evil as the fruits of his choice.

What can we say to the respectable foreign mechanic? Precisely the same that we say to the American mechanic. Your labor is cheapened and your talent undermined by the

ruinous competition of those uneducated charlatans who come to us professing everything and knowing nothing. They work for a pittance that would starve out decency, and drive comfort from your firesides, and through the cupidity and avarice of employers, they find employment at your expense.

The proposed amendment of the laws of naturalization does not strike at the rights or privileges of any man. The attitude of the aliens who may be in the country at the time of enacting that amendment will not be changed one iota by its adoption. The act cannot be otherwise than prospective in its intent and effects. It is desirable, nay, imperatively necessary, as a conservative element in the future, and its benefits will be shared alike by the adopted and the native born citizen. It is a measure demanded by an exigency that was not contemplated at the time of the adoption of the existing law. Ali that is valuable, all that is precious, all that is desirable in rational freedom, demand it. It is due to ourselves, our posterity; to those from abroad who cast their lot with us, and to their posterity. It is due to the millions who now hope for liberty, and whose eyes are turned to our example as the cynosure of their anticipations.

If from any cause the institutions which are based upon American republicanism should pass away, the hopes of all men who thirst for freedom will pass away with them; because, in the destruction of those institutions, the great impetus which they have given to the development of the principle of popular sovereignty and human rights, will cease. In such an event, the rule of "legitimacy" would be reestablished with tenfold force, not only in Europe, but in America also.

Society would retrograde, and the inert or terrified and disorganized masses, seeking in present submission the gracious meed of personal safety, would relax into the ignoble condition of subjects and serfs. Every element, therefore, that is calculated in the remotest degree to weaken those institutions, or to jeopardize the great experiment of popular liberty, should be met, by all men who are the partakers or the disciples of freedom, with stern and resolute resistance.

It is the constant dropping of water that wears away a stone, and it is the gradual but steady introduction of corrosive elements that endanger the institutions of freedom in America. In the result, it matters not whether those elements are introduced by secret enemies or by misguided friends. Regrets will not make whole the broken vase; and if the visionary theories of radical Europeans in America are to be carried out, the spirit of Liberty may well exclaim, "Save me from my friends !"

American republicanism has nothing to fear from its open foes-it is invulnerable against the world in arms. At the first signal of assault, a million of bayonets would bristle in its defence, and twenty millions of hearts would be offered as willing sacrifices upon the altar of its safety! No, American republicanism will yield to no warlike conqueror. If it falls, it will fall by the hands of those who have sought it as their ægis-it will fall as fell Rome-by the hands of those who flew to it for shelter.

"The history of Rome," says Samuel Whelpley, "furnishes a striking instance of the deplorable effects of an influx of strangers into a country. After the Romans had conquered

Carthage, Greece, Asia, and Gaul, Italy presently filled with emigrants from all quarters. Though they came, as it were, singly, and as humble suppliants, yet they, in effect, conquered the conquerors. They inundated all Italy. The majesty of the ancient Romans was obscured, overwhelmed, and utterly lost in an innumerable swarm of foreigners. The evil came

on by slow and imperceptible degrees, but was at last irresistible and fatal. These," he adds, "were the persons generally employed in the civil wars. A multitude made of such people is always fickle, inflammatory, outrageous, ungrateful, vindictive, and burning with ambition to level all distinctions."

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Samuel Whelpley lived, wrote, and died when the American Republic was in its early infancy. Yet, even at that day, he delineated the foregoing picture of the circumstances of the present time--and as the summum bonum to our liberties, in view of these circumstances, he affixed the following maxim:

"No

person should hereafter become a citizen but by being

born in the United States."

"Let foreigners find in this country an asylum from oppression. Here let them buy, and build, and plant: let them spread and flourish, pursuing happiness in every mode of life which enterprise can suggest or reason justify: but let them be exonerated from the toils of government. We do not

need their hands to steady the ark."

APPENDIX.

THE following pages are appended to this work with a view of introducing such matter as is essential to a complete illustration of certain statements made in the work, without encumbering the recital with lengthy "notes." The attention of the reader is especially invited to the subjects presented in this APPENDIX, as containing matters of fact, necessary, perhaps, to bring about conviction in the minds of those who doubt the existence of a necessity for adopting the policy of the American Organization.

- SPEECH OF HENRY CLAY, IN REPLY TO GOVERNOR LOUIS KOSSUTH, ON THE SUBJECT OF AMERICAN INTERVENTION IN THE AFFAIRS OF EUROPE.

I owe you, sir, an apology for not having acceded before to the desire you were kind enough to intimate more than once to see me ; but really my health has been so feeble that I did not dare to hazard the excitement of so interesting an interview. Besides, sir (he added with some pleasantry), your wonderful and fascinating eloquence has mesmerized so large a portion of our people wherever you have gone, and even some of our members of Congress (waving his hand toward the two or three gentlemen who were present), that I feared to come under its influence lest you might shake my faith in some principles in regard to the foreign policy of this government, which I have long and constantly cherished.

And in regard to this matter, you will allow me, I hope, to speak

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