1770, she claimed Siberia as the northern boun-Mainly peopled from the United States, she dary of New Spain. sought naturally to be incorporated into the Union. The offer was repeatedly rejected by Presidents Jackson and Van Buren, to avoid a collision with Mexico. At last the annexation took place. As a domestic question, it is no fit subject for comment in a communication to a foreign Minister; as a question of public law, there never was an extension of territory more naturally or justifiably made; it produced a disturbed relation with the Government of Mexico; war ensued, and in its results other extensive territories were, for a large pecuniary compensation on the part of the United States, added to the Union,

Twelve years only, from the treaty of Paris, elap-ed, and another great change took place, fruitful of still greater changes to come. The American Revolution broke out. It involved England, France, and Spain, in a tremendous struggle, and at its close the United States of America had taken their place in the family of nations. In Europe, the ancient States were restored substantially to their former equilibrium, but a new element, of incalculable importance in reference to territorial arrangements, is hence forth to be recognized in America. Just twenty years from the close of the war of the American Revolution, France, by a treaty with Spain, of Without adverting to the divisions of opinion which the provisions have never been disclosed, which arose in reference to this war-as must possessed herself of Louisiana, but did so only always happen in free countries in reference io cede it to the United States, and in the same to great measures-no person surveying these year Lewis and Clark started on their expedi-events with the eye of comprehensive statesLion to plant the flag of the United States on the manship, can fail to trace in the main result shores of the Pacific. In 1819 Florida was sold the undoubted operation of the law of our politiby Spain to the United States, whose territorial cal existence. The consequences are before the possessions, in this way, had been increased world; vast provinces, which had languished for thr e-told in half a century. This last acqui- three centuries under the leaden sway of a sition was 80 much a matter of course that it had been distinctly foreseen by the Count Aranda, then Prime Minister of Spain, as long ago as 1783 But even these momentous events are but the forerunners of new territorial revolutions still more stupendous.

stationary system, are coming under the influences of an active civilization, freedom of speech and the press-the trial by jury, religious equality, and representative government, have been carried by the Constitution of the United States into extensive regions in which they were A dynastic struggle, between the Emperor Na unknown before. By the settlement of California pole and Spam, commencing in 1808, con- the great circuit of intelligence round the globe vuls d the Peninsula, the vast possessions of the is completed. The discovery of the gold of that Spanish Crown on this continent, Viceroyalties region, leading as it did to the same discovery in and Captain-Generalships filling the space be-Australia, has touched the nerves of industry tween California and Cape Horn. One after throughout the world. Every addition to the another asserted their independence; no friendly territory of the American Union has given homes power in Europe, at that time, was able, or if able, to European destitution, and gardens to European was willing, to succor Spain or aid her to prop want. From every part of the United Kingdom, the crumbling buttre ses of her colonial Empire. from France, from Switzerland, and Germany, So far from it, when France, in 1823, threw an and from the extremest north of Europe, the army of one hundred thou-and men into Spain, to march of emigration has been taken up, such control her domestic politic, England thought it as the world has never seen before, Into the necessary to counteract the movement by recog- United States, grown to their present extent nizing the independence of th Spanish Provinces in the manner described, but little less than in America; in the remarkable language of the half a million of the population of the Old World distinguished Minister of the day, in order to is annually pouring, to be immediately incorredress the balance of power in Europ, he call dporated into an industrious and prosperous comint existence a new world in the West, some-munity, in the bosom of which they find political what over ating perhaps the extent of the derangement in the Old World, and not doing full justice to the position of the United States in America, or their influence on the fortunes of their sister Republics on this continent.

and religious liberty, social position, employment, and bread. It is a fact which would defy belief, were it not the result of official inquiry, that the emigrants to the United States, from Ireland alone, besides having subsisted themselves, have Thus, in sixty years from the close of the seven sent back to their kindred, for the last three yers' war, Spain, 1 ke Frauce, had lost the last re-years, nearly five millions of dollars annually, mais 8 of her once impe ial poss ssion in this hem-thus doubling, in three years, the purchase money isphere. The United States meantime were, by the of Louisiana. arts of peace and the healthful progress of things, Such is the territorial development of the rapi ly enlarging their dimension and conso'ida United States in the past century. Is it possible ting their power. The great march of events still that Europe can contemplate it with an unfriendly Some of the new Republics, from the or jealous eye? What would have been her fer of a mixture of races, or the want of condition in these trying years, but for the outlet raining in liberal institutious, showed th mselve- we have furnished to her starving millions? ine pable of self-government. The province of Spain, meantime, has retained, of her extensive Txa revolted from Mxico by the same right by dominions in this hemisphere, but the two Islands which Mexico revolt d from Spain; at the minor-of Cuba and Porto Rico; a respectful sympathy abe bat le of San Jacinto, in 1836, she passed the with the fortunes of an ancient ally and a gallant great ordeal of nascent States, and her independ-people, with whom the United States have ever ence was recognized by this Government, by inaintained the most friendly relations, would, if England, by France, and other European powers. no other reason ex sted, make it our duty to leave

went on.

her in the undisturbed possession of this little Island of Cuba by lawless bands of adventurers remnant of her mighty transatlantic Empire. from the United States, with the avowed design The President desires to do so. No word or of taking possession of that Island." The Presi deed of his will ever question her title or shake dent is convinced that the conclusion of such a her possession. But can it be expected to last treaty, instead of putting a stop to these lawless very long? Can it resist this mighty current in proceedings, would give a new and powerful imthe fortunes of the world? Is it desirable that it pulse to them. It would strike a death blow to should do so? Can it be for the interest of Spain the conservative policy hitherto pursued in this to cling to a possession that can only be main-country toward Cuba. tained by a garrison of 25.000 or 30 000 troops, a No administration of this Government, howpowerful naval force, and an annual expenditure ever strong in the public confidence in other for both arms of the service, of at least $12,000,000? respects, could stand a day under the odium of Cuba, at this moment, costs more to Spain than having stipulated with the great powers of Europe the entire naval and military establishments of the that in no future time, under no change of cirUnited States cost the Federal Government. So cumstances, by no amicable arrangement with far from being really injured by the loss of this Spain, by no act of lawful war, should that island, there is no doubt that were it peacefully calamity unfortunately occur, by no consent of transferred to the United States, a prosperous the inhabitants of the Island, should they, like the commerce between Cuba and Spain, resulting possessions of Spain on the American continent, from ancient associations and common language succeed in rendering themselves independent; in and tastes, would be far more productive than fine, by no overruling necessity of self-preservathe best-contrived system of colonial taxation. tion, should the United States ever make the acSuch notoriously has been the result to Great quisition of Cuba. Britain of the establishment of the Independence For these reasons, which the President has of the United States. The decline of Spain from thought it advisable, considering the importance the position which she held in the time of Charles of the subject, to direct me to unfold at some V., is coeval with the foundation of her colonial length, he feels constrained to decline respectfully system, while within twenty-five years, and since the invitation of England and France to become the loss of most of her colonies, she has entered parties to the proposed Convention. He is perupon a course of rapid improvement unknown suaded that these friendly powers will not since the abdication of that Emperor. attribute this refusal to any insensibility on his

I will but allude to an evil of the first mag-part to the advantages of the utmost harmony nitude. I mean the African Slave Trade, in between the great maritime States on a subject of the suppression of which England and France such importance. As little will Spain draw take a lively interest; au evil which still forms any unfavorable inference from this refusal-the a great reproach upon the civilization of Chris- rather as the emphatic disclaimer of any designs tendom, and perpetuates the barbarism of Africa, against Cuba on the part of this Government but for which it is to be feared there is no hope contained in the present note, affords all the of a complete remedy while Cuba remains a assurance which the President can constitutionSpanish Colony. But whatever may be thought ally or to any useful purpose, give of a practical of these last suggestions, it would seem impossi- concurrence with England and France in the ble for any one who reflects upon the events wish not to disturb the possession of that Island glanced at in this note, to mistake the law of [by Spain. American growth and progress, or think it can I avail myself, Sir, of this opportunity to assure be ultimately arrested by a Convention like that you of my distinguished consideration. proposed. In the judgment of the President, it EDWARD EVERETT. would be as easy to throw a dam from Cape Florida to Cuba, in the hope of stopping the flow of the Gulf stream, as to attempt by a compact like this to fix the fortunes of Cuba "now and for hereafter"—or as expressed in the French text of the Convention "for the present as for the future" (pour le present comme pour l'avenir); that is, for all coming time.

[Signed]

The following reply to Mr. Everett, was published in the English journals in July last:

Lord John Russell to Mr. Crampton.

of France, has hitherto prevented that communication between the two governments which the circumstances of the proposal made jointly required.

FOREIGN OFFICE, February 16, 1853. The history of the past-of the recent past- SIR: Lord Malmesbury received, just before affords no assurance that twenty years hence leaving office, the note addressed to you by Mr. France or England will even wish that Spain Everett, and left it for the consideration of his should retain Cuba; and a century hence-successor. judging of what will be from what has been-the The absence from London of the ambassador pages which record this proposition will, like the record of the family compact between France and Spain, have no interest but for the antiquary. Even now the President can not doubt that both France and England would prefer any change in the condition of Cuba, to that which is most to be apprehended, viz.: an internal convulsion which should renew the horrors and the fate of San Domingo. I will intimate a final objection to the proposed Convention.

Lord Malmsbury and M. de Turgot put forward as the reason for entering into such a compact, "the attacks which have lately been made on the

I have now to inform you of the view which her Majesty's government take of Mr. Everett's reply to our overture.

It is doubtless perfectly within the competence of the American government to reject the proposal that was made by Lord Malmesbury and M. Turgot in reference to Cuba. Each government will then remain as free as it was before to take that course which its sense of duty and a

regard for the interests of its people may prescribe.

I should have satisfied my obligations as Secre tary of State by this obvious remark, had not Mr. Everett entered at large into arguments which the simple nature of the question before him had hardly seemed to require.

as an island at the mouth of the Thames or the Seine would be to England or France,

The distance of Cuba from the nearest part of the United States, viz., from the southernmost part of Florida, is 110 miles.

An island at an equal distance from the mouth of the Thames, would be placed about ten mik s north of Autwerp, in B.lgium; while an island at the same distance from Jamaica, would be placed at Manzanilla, a town in Cuba.

Thus there are no grounds for saying that the possession of Cuba by Great Britain or France, would be menacing to the United States, but that its possession by the United States would not be

The governments of Great Britain and France, when they made this proposal to that of the United States, were fully aware of the growth of power and extension of territory which have marked the progress of the United States since the period of their independence. The absorp tion or annexation of Louisiana in 1803, of Florida in 1819, of Texas in 1845, and of Califor-so to Great Britain. nia in 1848, had not escaped them; still less did they require to be reminded of the events of the seven years' war, or of the American war.

It occurs to her Majesty's Government, therefore, to ask for what purpose are these arguments introduced with so much preparation, and urged with so much ability?

There is one argument of the United States Secretary of State, which appears to her Majesty's Government not only unfounded but disquieting. Lord Malmsbury and M. de Turgot put for ward, as a reason for entering into the proposed compact, "the attacks which have lately been made on the Island of Cuba by lawless bands of It would appear that the purpose, not fully adventurers from the United States, and with the avowed, but hardly concealed, is to procure the avowed design of taking possession of the island,” adinis-ion of a doctrine that the United States To this reason Mr. Everett replies in the e terms: have an interest in Cuba, to which Great Britan" The President is convinced that the conclusion and France can not pretend. In order to meet of such a treaty, instead of putting a stop to the e this pretension, it is necessary to set forth the lawless proceedings, would give a new and character of the two powers who made the offer powerful impulse to them.”

in question, and the nature of that offer. Mr. The government of Great Britain acknowledges Everett declares, in the outset of his despatch. with respect the conduct of the President in distha the United States would not see with in-avowing and discouraging the lawless attempts difference the island of Cuba fall into the poshere referred to. The character of those attempts, ses-ion of any other European Government than Spam," &.

The two powers most likely to possess them selves of Cuba, and most formidable to the United States, are Great Britain and France.

indeed, was such as to excite the reprobation of every civilized State. The spectacle of bands of men collected together, in reckless disregard of treaties. for the purpose of making from the ports of the United States a piratical attack on the terriGreat Britain is in possession, by treaty, of the tory of a power in amity with their own State; island of Trinidad, which, in the last century, was and when there, endeavoring by armed invasion a colony of Spain. France was in possession, att excite the obedient to revolt and the tranquil to the commencement of this century, of Louisiana, disturbance, was a right shocking, no doubt, to by voluntary cession from Spain. These two the just and honest principles of the President. powers, by their naval resources, are in fact thBut the statement made by the President, that a only powers who could be rivals with the United convention, duly signed and legally ratified, enStates for the possession of Cuba. Well, these gaging to respect the present state of possession two powers are ready voluntarily to "declare, in all future time, would but excite these bands severally and collectively, that they will not ob- of pirates to more violent breaches of the laws tain, or maintain for themselves, or for any one of honesty and good neighborhood, is a melanof themselves, any exclusive control over the holy avowal for the chief of a great State. said Island (of Cuba), nor assume nor exercise Without disputing its truth, her Majesty's Govern any dominion over the same." ment may express a hope that this state of Thus, if the object of the United States weretnings will not endure, and that the citizens of the to bar the acquisition of Cuba by any European United States, while they justly boast of their inState, this Convention would secure that object.-titutions, will not be insensible to the value of But if it is intended on the part of the United those eternal laws of right and wrong, of peace States to maintain that Great Britain and France and friendship, and of duty to our neighbors, have no interest in the maintenance of the present which ought to guide every Christian nation. status quo in Cuba, and that the United States have alone a right to a voice in that matter, her Majesty's Government at once refuses to admit such a claim. Her Majesty's possessions in the West Indies alone, without insisting on the importance to Mexico and other friendly States, of the present distribution of power, give her Majesty an interest in this question which she can not forego.

The possessions of France in the American seas, give a similar interest to France, which, no doubt, will be put forward by her Government, Nor is this right at all invalidated by the argument of Mr. Everett that Cuba is to the United States

Nor can a people so enlightened fail to perceive the utility of those rules or the observance of international relations which for centuries have been known to Europe by the name of the law of nations. Among the commentators on tha law, some of the most distinguished American citizens have earned an enviable reputation; and it is difficult to suppose that the United States would set the example of abrogating its most sacred provisions.

Nor let it be said that such a Convention would have prevented the inhabitants of Cuba from asserting their independ ›nce. With regard to internal trouble s, the proposed Convention wa

altogether silent. But a pretended declaration | On the 17th of September, 1853, Mr. Everett of independence, with a view of immediately published in the newspapers a long letter adseeking refuge from revolts on the part of the

blacks under the shelter of the United States, dressed to Lord John Russell, in which he regrets would be justly looked upon as the same in effect that Lord John's dispatch of the 16th of February as a formal annexation. was not sent before his retirement from the State

Finally, while fully admitting the right of the Department, and regarding that dispatch in reUnited States to reject the proposal that was made

by Lord Malmsbury and M. de Turgot, Great ality, if not in form, as a reply to his letter of the Britain must at once resume her entire liberty; 1st of December, 1852, he feels called upon, and upon any occasion that may call for it, be though a private citizen, to rejoin. He defends free to act, either singly or in conjunction with other powers, as to her may seem fit.

I am, &c.,

J. RUSSELL.

Mr. Crampton to the Earl of Clarendon.

[Extract.]

WASHINGTON, April 18, 1853.

first the great length of his letter and the general practice of long-winded documents on the part of our Government functionaries. He then remarks that the sketch of territorial changes which had taken place on this continent, during the last century, was not introduced as matter of history,

In obedience to the instruction contained in but to illustrate the point that it is chimerical to Lord John Russell's despatch of the 21st Feb-attempt, by specific measures, to bind up for all ruary. I have read to the Secretary of State of time, the discretion of a Government establish d the United States, and placed in his hands, a copy of his lordship's despatch of the 16th of that month upon the subject of Cuba.

in a part of the world of which so much is still lying in a state of nature. He also desired to show that we are not a nation of land-pirates; My French colleague having also received in- but that our growth has been natural and legitistructions from his Government to communicate mate, and in strict conformity to the Law of to the Government of the United States a dispatch Nations. Mr. Everett pleads guilty to the charge upon the same subject, and very much to the that he did and does very distinctly maintain that same effect, it was agreed between us that we the United States have an interest in Cuba to should, as upon former occasions in regard to which France and Great Britain can not pretend, this matter, make our communications simulta- and that the condition of Cuba is mainly an neously; and we accordingly waited upon Mr. American question, in which the United States Marcy together for that purpose, on the 16th inst. have a very deep interest, and England and Mr. Marcy, after having listened attentively to France a very limited one. The chief grounds what M. de Sartiges and myself read to him, said on which the United States rest this claim is that he would submit the observations of the two geographical proximity-and Lord John's reGovernments to the President; and remarked mark that Cuba is nearer to Jamaica than to the that several weeks might probably elapse before United States, would be in point, says Mr. Everett, any reply would be addressed to us, even should f Jamaica bore the same relation to Great Britain the President be of opinion, which Mr. Marcy which our States on and near the Mexican Gulf seemed to think doubtful, that any further dis-bear to the rest of the Union. To Mr. Russell's cussion of the matter between the two govern-uggestion that it would be well enough for the ments was desirable.

It would, he added, of course be necessary for him again to read over the despatches, in order to comprehend their full import; but, as far as he could now judge, the opinion of the two governments seemed to coincide in reference to two points, viz.: the one that the right of the United States to decline the proposals made to them by the English and French Governments was admitted; the other. that some of the general positions taken by Mr. Everett in his note of the 1st of December, 1852, appeared to those Governments to render a protest against them on their part necessary, lest it might hereafter be inferred that those positions had been acquiesced in by them.

United States to consider the value of the eternal laws of right and wrong, and our duty to our neighbors, also the utility of observing the laws of nations, Mr. Everett replies with spirit, contending that the United States Government have done their whole duty in regard to the suppres ion of unlawful expeditions organized on our territory against friendly powers, and instances the expedition of Gen. Terrijos, fitted out in the Thames, in 1831, as a parallel to that of Lopez, as far as illegality is concerned. Mr. Everett intimates that the invitation to bind ourselves never to acquire Cuba under any circumstances, comes with a bad grace from France, which, during the present century, has appropriated such large portions of Europe, Africa, and the Pacific Islands; and England, which has, even since the writing of the dispatch under con-ideration, annexed half the Burinan Empire to her overgrown India possessions, on grounds compared with which, Russia's pretence for war on Turkey is respectable. In regard to the law of nations, Mr. Everett claims that we have as a nation strictly complied with that law, while during the infancy Mr. Marcy appeared to receive our observa- of the Republic, we were the victims of its sys tions in a conciliatory manner, and concluded by tematic violation on the part of England and expressing his hope and belief that no misun-France-outrages which those natious subse derstanding would arise between the great mari-quently acknowledged, and for which they made time powers in regard to this matter. tardy and partial reparation.

We replied that, without pretending to point out to Mr. Marcy what further step he was or was not to take in this matter, the object which our respective Governments had in view seemed to us to be, generally, such as he had stated it; and that we, for our part, considered the discussion of the subject closed by the communication which we had just made.

AUSTRIA AND THE UNITED STATES.

THE KOSZTA AFFAIR AT SMYRNA.

IMMEDIATELY after the kidnapping of having, according to them, caused himself to be

naturalized in the United States, was entitled to the protection of the American authorities. Upon this, the Consul-General of the Emperor, accompanied by the American Consul and the American Commander, repaired on board the "Huszar," and these two functionaries had it in their power to convince themselves, from the declarations of the prisoner himself, that the latter had not ac quired the quality of citizen of the United States, and that he was not even provided with an American passport.

On his own part, the Chargé d'Affaires ad interim of the United States at Constantinople, addressed a communication, on the 27th of June, to the Imperial Internuncio (Minister) the object of which was to ask for the release of Koszta,

Martin Koszta by the Austrian Consul-Genral at Smyrna, and his rescue by Captain Ingraham of the United States sloop-of-war St. Louis, the Austrian Government addressed to the principal European Cabinets, in advance of any communication to the Government of the United States, a Circular Letter of Complaint and Protest against the course adopted by Captain Ingraham This exparte statement of the affair having been extensively published in both Europe and America, the Government of the United upon the plea that he had taken some steps to be States, in order that the World might judge intelligently of the merits of the question, concluded to publish the following Diplomatic Correspondence. The Cabinets of St. Petersburgh and Berlin instructed their representatives at Washington to intimate their general concurrence in the view taken by Austria.

Mr. Hulsemann to Mr. Marcy.

[Translation.]

AUSTRIAN LEGATION,
WASHINGTON, August 29, 1853.

admitted as an American citizen. Barou de

Bruck replied to this request on the same day, refusing to comply with it. Two days after, Mr. Brown returned again to the charge, by forwarding to Mr. de Bruck a copy of a declaration purporting to have been signed by Koszta, in New York, on the 31st of July last, and which the Charge d'Affaires of the Union seems to regard sufficient to imply the naturalization of that refugee in America. The Internuncio replied that it was impossible for him to alter his determination, as he could not consider the individual in question as belonging to a foreign jurisdiction so long as the ties which bound him to his country were not legally dissolved.

The undersigned thinks it proper to imbody, with the very text of this note, a copy of the The undersigned, Chargé d'Affairs of his Maj-document above mentioned, which has served as esty the Emperor of Austria, has been instructed to address this official note to the honorable Secretary of State, in relation to the difficulties which have occurred between the agents of the two Governments at the port of Smyrna.

the basis to all the extraordinary proceedings both on the part of Mr. Brown and that of the Commander of the St. Louis. Here it is :Declaration made by Martin Koszta of allegiance

to the Government of the United States. I, Martin Koszta, do declare, on oath, that it is bona fide my intention to become a citizen of the United States, and to renounce for ever all allegipotentate, State, and sovereignty whatever, and ance and fidelity to all and every foreign prince, particularly to the Emperor of Austria. Sworn in open court this 31st day of July, 1852, before me, clerk of the court, &c. MARTIN KOSZTA.

[Signed]

The facts which came to pass on that occasion, are of public notoriety, and the undersigned thinks he may contine himself in his comments thereon to the most prominent points. Our Consul-General, Mr. de Weckbecker, exercising the right of jurisdiction which has been guarantied by treaties to the consular agents of Austria in the East relative to their countrymen, had caused to be arrested, and conveyed on board the Austrian brig-of-war "Huszar," the Hungarian I, -, clerk of the court of refugee, Martin Koszta; who, residing at one court of record, having common law jurisdiction, , being a time in the interior at Kutahia, had left Turkey and a clerk and seal, do certify that the above is a in company with Kossuth, and who, after having true copy of the original declaration of Mr. Koszta pledged himself in writing not to set foot again to become a citizen of the United States, remaining on Ottoman territory, broke that pledge by re-opened in my office. turning, some months since, to Smyrna. This In testimony whereof, I have hereunto subscribed arrest gave cause to some reclamations which my name and affixed the seal of the Mr. Offley, United States Consul, conjointly with said court the 31st day of July, 1852. the commander of the American sloop-of-war -, Clerk. "St. Louis," anchored in the roads before It is difficult to conceive how the representaSmyrna, deemed it incumbent upon themselves tive of the United States could have sought to to address to Mr. de Weckbecker, basing their found a proof of the pretended naturalization of demands upon the fact that the aforesaid Koszta, Koszta upon a document destitute of all authentic

[L. S.]