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"With regard to the first doctrine of Gallican liberties, is it not a question in dispute among Roman Catholics? It is, though we may regard the opinion which attributes either direct or indirect temporal power to the Pope or to the Church as being almost obsolete. The only writers who have attempted to revive it in modern times are Dr. Brownson, a recent convert to Catholicity, and an editor of an American Review, and the famous Lamennais, who was condemned by the Holy See, for the extravagance and eccentricity of certain doctrines which he held. I might here observe that in a document addressed from Rome, by Cardinal Antonelli, to the Irish Catholic Prelates, so early as 1791, it is expressly affirmed that the Holy See, regards that man as a calumniator, who imputes to it the tenet, that an oath to kings separated from the Catholic communion, can be violated, or that it is lawful for the Bishop of Rome (the Pope) to invade their rights and dominions.' Pope Gregory XVI., also, not only in his evangelical letter of 1832, but in his reply to the declaration of the Prussian Government in 1838, lays down principles which appear to me to be irreconcilable with the opinion which invests the Pope or the Church with direct or indirect temporal authority. He adopts the doctrine of Tertullian, and some others of the early fathers, that no cause whatever can justify the deposition or dethronement of a king, and that the people should patiently endure every sort of tyranny and oppression rather than have recourse to so violent and dangerous a remedy. This doctrine is as incompatible with the deposing power of the Pope as it is repugnant to the ideas of the political writers of these countries."

Richard Watson, one of the very ablest, most learned, and most pious of the Wesleyan Methodists of England, and who would compare favorably with any divine of any church, in his Theological Dictionary, p. 824, thus defines the temporal power of the Pope.

"Roman Catholics, or members of the Church of Rome, otherwise called Papists, from the Pope being considered by them as the supreme head of the universal Church, the successor of St. Peter, and the fountain of theological truth and ecclesiastical honors. He keeps his court in great state at the palace of the Vatican, and is attended by seventy cardinals as his privy councillors, in imitation of the seventy disciples of our Lord. The Pope's authority in other kingdoms is merely spiritual, but in Italy he is a temporal sovereign. Louis XVIII. and the allies having in 1814 restored him to his throne, and

to those temporalities of which he was deprived by Bonaparte and the French revolution."

The result of all these inquiries and this controversy has been, that all the proscriptions and disabilities theretofore imposed upon Catholics were removed in 1825, in Great Britain and Ireland, and they now enjoy all the franchises and privileges of other subjects.

In our second number we shall show from the "record" the falsehood of the assumptions of this hybrid American party with regard to the Catholic citizens of the United States, and the hollowness of the pretense by which so many well-meaning but weak-minded people have been deluded.

TO GRANADA.

TRANSLATED FOR THE DEMOCRATIC REVIEW, FROM THE SPANISH, BY C. A. W.

In that bright vale, where Ow's waters glide
And Xeriel's waves receive the sparkling tide,
Girt by the gardens and the groves that lie
In rich luxuriance 'neath a southern sky,
Reposing there in majesty serene,
Thy beauty, stately Granada, is seen;

Thou shinest there, mid nature's works sublime,
The peerless Houri of a western clime.

Oh! who could seek, with toil and exile's pain,
Honor and wealth in distant climes to gain,
And scorn the loveliness of scenes like these-
Wealth without toil, and innocence with ease?
Oh! neither gold, the sage's fame, nor power,
The short and fleeting phantoms of an hour,
Could match a life like Ow's long summer's day,
Dreamed amid thy fairy palaces away.

Through summer's burning suns the cool breeze blows

From thy Sierra's everlasting snows;

And cloud on cloud, in gorgeous splendor rolled,

Adorn thy sky with purple and with gold.

The rose, the jes'mine, and the orange flower,
Spread their bright hue o'er garden and o'er bower,
And in the shadowy grove, or marble hall,
The cool streams murmur and the fountains fall.

The west wind sighing bends the lily pale,
And spreads its fragrance o'er the blooming vale;
While from the Alhambra's palace-bówers is heard
The plaintive music of the evening bird."
Oh! when the silver moon its glittering beams
Casts on thy ancient towers and fountain streams,
No fairer sight was seen of mortal eyes
Since our first parents walked in Paradise.

Who then could see thee, Granada, nor feel
A patriot's love, a patriot's burning zeal;
Who would not strive for thee till hope was o'er,
And with despairing grief their loss deplore,
When adverse fate the haughty Moor brought low,
When passed his glory to a Christian foe;
Though doomed to roam at fortune's fickle will,
Thy memory, Granada, is with him still.

And on that fatal day, when all proved vain,
What wild laments arose upon thy plain!
But longer, wilder did the chorus swell,
When thy sad monarch wept his last farewell.
And still on Afric's lone desert strand
The Moorish sentinel will musing stand;
While gazing fondly o'er the distant main,

He seeks with longing eyes thy towers in vain.

And when from Afric's coast the storm, set free,
Sweeps in fierce tumult over land and sea,
And the wild wind, with sudden rise and fall,
Moans through the Alhambra's wide and lonely hall,
It seems to sound the sad lament of those

Who, forced to fly before their Christian foes,
Still mourn, in climes beyond the swelling sea,
The loss of glory, Granada, and thee.

SEWARD-REPUBLICANISM.

QUERY first.

What's in a name? Sometimes, look you, there may be a whole history. Trench in his late work on "the Study of Words," argues to prove that words are facts and things in the progressive history of nations. Now a name is a word, and if words be things-there's something in a name.

Query second.

Why will men persist in stealing the livery of heaven to serve the devil in? It never deceives for a great while. At the first, we grant you, the similitude of grace beguiles the simple-hearted; but there is always a faint odor of brimstone about the gentleman inside, contracted from too intimate acquaintance with the distinguished person mentioned in the latter member of the query, which betrays them in the long

run.

Two queries which naturally introduce to the attention of the unbiased and unsophisticated reader the portentous combination of substantives at the head of this article.

Will any young American, whose ideas are ordinarily clear, and whose knowledge of Lindley Murray is what is commonly called good-oblige us by parsing the sentence "Seward-Republicanism ?"

We premise that the compound is none of our making. The liberty is one we should never dream of taking with honest Yankee English. Speak of the "King's English," and it would be quite a natural arrangement, but to handle republican English in that way, as one might say-without gloves-heaven save the mark!

Our young American friend meantime has come at it. From the manner of his parsing, we shrewdly suspect the young rogue of a tendency to Democracy. He says "Seward," improper noun substantive, twistified into an adjective for the purpose of governing the proper noun Republicanism, for the benefit of the improper noun, and the incalculable loss and damage of the proper noun.

A parlous boy: there's the making of a member of Congress in that boy. We beg the potential voter's pardon. We were thinking of the time when members of Congress were-eh?

Is there such a word as honest in the language now-a-days? Seward-Republicanism, then, is Republicanism and Wm. H. Seward, in one and the same person. A monstrous combination. Convince us that it is practicable, and the Centaur and Proteus will be fabulous no longer. The wildest extravagances of heathen mythology will be common-place realities. The many-headed and many-handed Vishnu and Gaudama shall walk amongst us unnoticed. Your Hyppogriff shall caracole in our streets, and the Marids of the genii cut and come again, at their pleasure, without startling the most nervous fine lady from her propriety.

And yet the term has become one descriptive of a fact, or state of facts, and is in every body's mouth. It has given name to a party, and it is

A BID FOR THE PRESIDENCY!

What fact, or state of facts is it descriptive of; and to what kind of a party has it given a name? These are the questions the solution of which we are about to seek.

In seeking a definition of Republicanism, we need not be at the pains to travel back to Greece nor Rome. To Italy or France our readers would thank us little for going in search of any political definition the terms of which were to be applied on this side the Atlantic. Let us content ourselves then with the general definition of a republic; and the specific one of American Republicanism. Facciolati defines a Republic to be "res communis et publica civium una viventium." Dr. Johnson-"A state in which the power is lodged in more than one." A very lame definition. According to the idea of Cicero, that is the best-constituted Republic into which the force of royalty, the wisdom of aristocracy, and the honesty of the people enter as components.-Vide his De. Rep. Liber 1, c. 29. "Esse optime constitutam rempublicam, quæ ex tribus generibus illis, regali, optimo, et populari, sit modicè confusa." An opinion clearly shared by the framers of our Constitution, since they added to the royal prerogative of the veto power, vested in the President, the aristocratic features of Senators superior in dignity and length of office to their co-legislators, and Judges appointed for life, or during good behavior. We might add the definitions of Montesquieu, and, indeed, of almost all other publicists and writers upon political ethics. But, there is in all of them a certain vagueness and crudity, arising from the fact, that they are fetched from a region of possibilities, dimly conceived by their authors, but never from a reality with which they have had actual contact. Nor is this

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