such as only a powerful government could undertake to assert against a weak and defenseless one; being indeed nothing more than the simple assertion of the despotic dogma that "might makes right." It remains to be seen whether Great Britain is indeed so powerful, and the United States so feeble, as to make it a safe and profitable course for the former to add weight to a bad argument by throwing her sword into the scale.

Not content, however, with the attempt to play Brennus in Central America; nor yet heroic enough, when her sword proves too short to reach the heart of Russia in Europe, to add to it the Spartan's step; she has sought to lengthen it with American metal. The attempt to dishonor us as a nation has been firmly met and repelled by our own government. It has not yet been either properly apologized or atoned for by that of Great Britain. To this point then we are come. We demand reparation. We demand more-we insist that diplomatic quibbling shall be laid aside, and an ample guarantee afforded against any future attempt to invade our rights as an independent nation. The apology must be ample-the atonement complete and final. Our position amongst the nations will not permit us to rest content with less. Our honor as well as our interests require, that the principle contended for by our government should be so established, and recognized, that no future controversy can ever take place with regard to it. The strangely disingenuous course of the British Cabinet, and its tools in this country, acting under its instructions, from the commencement of the attempt to "recruit" men for the British army here, to the present time, is one of the most startling and disgraceful exhibitions of governmental dishonesty ever brought to light. It presents the character of English statesmen in a light which leaves us at a loss which most to wonder at-their bad faith in the undertaking, or their blindness and conceit in fancying that it would remain undiscovered.

Let us briefly review the history of this strange and insolent attempt to compromise our neutrality, invade our rights, and dishonor us as a nation.

From the dawn of the first day of our national existence, our government contended for the rule that "free ships make free goods." We claimed it as a neutral right. No effort has ever been spared, upon our part, to enforce upon all the great powers of the world, especially the maritime powers, the jus tice and wisdom of the rule. Its incorporation "pure and simple" into general international law has been the most favorite aim of our government, and the constant object of our

diplomacy. The growing certainty of the rules of international law, and the more perfect precision with which, during this century, it has come to define the rights and duties of nations towards each other, have greatly tended to abate the evils of war, and indeed to check the tendency to war itself, by substituting well defined principles to govern the settlement of national disputes. Every powerful nation which adds its sanction to any one rule of that law, places itself, as it were, upon the bench of a grand court of conciliation, and gives a new bond for the preservation of the peace of the world. Now it has ever been contended by this government that the recognition of the rule that "free ships make free goods," and its absolute and unqualified incorporation into the recognized law of nations, would do more to insure the continuance and sta bility of that peace, than all the writings of Montesquieu, Vattel, Grotius, Puffendorf, Binckershook, Azuni, and all the rest of the text writers on national law. This is matter of universal notoriety. And it is equally notorious that the chief opposition to its reception has come from the government of Great Britain. Down to the period when Lewis Cass, by superior conduct and astuteness, blocked the game by which she hoped either to drive the United States into the "Quadruple Alliance" for the suppression of the slave trade, or, if we refused, to isolate us among nations-down to that very moment Great Britain haughtily refused her assent to the adoption of the principle. Driven to its practical observance, with regard to American bottoms, by the result of the war of 1812-14, she theoretically reserved to herself the right to violate it whenever her power or her interests dictated its violation as a safe or beneficial act. Mr. Cass drove her one step nearer to a concession of the principle. The war with Russia, however, suddenly opened her eyes to a new view of the question. Up to that time she had considered it only as conferring benefits upon the commerce of America. Then she suddenly awoke to its value in her own particular. Her fleets engaged in blockading the Baltic and Black Seas, her statesmen's alarmed fancy peopled the ocean with American clippers, sailing with Rus sian letters of marque and reprisal, and apprehension extorted what justice had pleaded for in vain. Her Majesty graciously resolved to issue no letters of marque, and in moving terms besought the government at Washington to imitate her humane and Christian policy. It is true there was no Russian commerce on the seas to make English privateering worth while. It is also true that there was a mighty English interest toss

ing upon every troubled wave; and should the government of the United States wink at the system of privateering, and permit American-built vessels to go to sea with Russian papers, and under the Russian flag, the result to British commerce must be incalculably disastrous. Her Majesty's government learned therefore in the school of interest at once, what half a century of the teachings of justice had failed to inculcate. Such an importance too did the prevention of the use of American vessels in the interest of Russia assume in their eyes, that her gracious Majesty published a declaration, by which she gave a qualified sanction, and, for the purposes of the pending war, bound herself to a practical observance of the American doctrine, that "free ships make free goods." That this bribe to neutrality was wrung from her apprehension, and not conceded by her convictions of its justice, her subsequent course of action with regard to this government has unfortunately proved; for hardly was the treacherous ink, with which Mr. Crampton signed his note of April 21st, 1854, announcing her gracious Majesty's gracious purpose in that matter, dry upon the paper, before that gentleman dipped his pen afresh to write instructions to her gracious Majesty's consuls in different parts of the United States, how, when, and where to levy and recruit men, within them, for her most gracious Majesty's military service.

Thus the sincere gratification experienced by the President at the concession of the rule that free ships make free goods, even "pro hâc," since that concession could scarcely fail to conduce largely to its ultimate absolute incorporation into the law of nations, was very shortly turned into sincere mortification. The virtuous horror at privateering had scarce left "its flushing in the galled eyes" of her Majesty's ministers, before the President had good reason to believe that the concession in national law was merely a pretense, under cover of which to perpetrate a national outrage. Having magnanimously agreed to the temporary adoption, at least, of a rule of law which would "preserve the commerce of neutrals from all unnecessary obstruction;" or in honest plainness a rule which in the particular situation would preserve the commerce of France and England; the latter power proceeds systematically to invade the neutrality of the United States, and by secret dealings with our citizens, by a wide and daring conspiracy, endeavors to compromise us in the eyes of the imperial government of Russia, and make us, indirectly and against our will, accessory to the designs of France and England. As if, too, to enhance

the insult, and leave no character of contempt out of the handwriting against our dignity as a nation, Mr. Crampton himself is selected as a sort of English Viceroy, resident at Washington, for the purpose of administering English affairs in America independently of the government of the United States. Lord Clarendon takes particular care that there should be no possibility of mistake or misapprehension in the matter; he therefore transmits her Majesty's full endorsement and commission to Mr. Crampton, as her Majesty's Viceroy and LieutenantGeneral in her revolted colonies of North America, in his dispatch April 12th, 1855, and the following words, namely: "I entirely approve of your proceedings, as reported in your dispatch No. 57, of the 12th ult., with respect to the proposed enlist ment in the Queen's service of foreigners and British subjects in the United States." Lord Clarendon pleasantly remarks in the conclusion of the same note, that "the law of the United States with respect to enlistment, however conducted, is not only very just but very stringent." The inevitable conclusion therefore must be, that his Lordship, admitting its justice, and aware of its stringency, intends to convey to her Majesty's Viceroy, Crampton, an intimation that her Majesty's government expected him to violate the one and avoid the other. The rule laid down for Mr. Crampton is clearly therefore similar to that recommended by the virtuous Scotchman to his son: "Get soldiers, Cramptonhonestly if you can-but! get soldiers, Crampton." And like a loyal Briton Mr. Crampton got soldiers. How he got them; and how he violated the municipal law of the United States, insulted their national dignity, and came near compromising their character for national honesty, and reducing it to a British level, in getting them; how this was proved; and when proved, how apology or reparation has been refused by her Majesty's government-it is our present purpose to show.

Our new Viceroy, Crampton, like a wise and trusty servant of the crown, began at once to view the land, to go up and down through the length and breadth thereof; to examine, survey, and consider the country over which he was set by his gracious mistress. But, as retreating armies leave all their eamp fires burning, to deceive the enemy and conceal their flight, Mr. Crampton first carefully misleads Mr. Marcy with a pretended confidence. His intercourse with Mr. Marcy had been intimate and friendly. Mr. Marcy himself says "that it may be regarded as having been in some degree confidential." Before setting out on a "recruiting" progress through the country therefore, Mr. Crampton calls, in a friendly and confidential

way, upon the Secretary of State, and communicates to him the contents of a letter from the British Consul at New-York, dated March 22d, the entire bearing of which is such as to authorize Mr. Marcy in saying, "I regarded this act of Mr. Crampton's as a disavowal by the British government, as well as by himself, of all participation in the recruiting proceedings, then just commenced within the United States."

The vigilance of the Secretary of State evaded, and his suspicions, if any had been excited in his breast, thus laid to sleep by a well acted falsehood, Mr. Crampton, like gallant Hudibras,

"abandons dwelling,

And forth he rides a colonelling."

Chuckling over the adroit manoeuvre, by which he had secured as he supposed an unobserved retreat, he "left Washington, went to the British provinces," and did not return to the former place until the early part of June. And what did that upright and conscientious diplomatist do in the interim; how did he employ his time? Was it a journey for recreation, a tour of pleasure? No doubt it was very pleasant; but it was also very profitable, and every moment of the time between the 1st of April, on which, probably in honor of the day, he celebrated his "confidence joke" for Mr. Marcy's benefit, and the early part of June, was busily employed by Mr. Crampton in drilling the subordinate agents of the recruiting scheme. He posts away therefore to the British provinces. What for? "Original documents, now in possession of this government," says Mr. Marcy, "show that there can be no mistake as to the object of his visit to Halifax, and that it had special regard to recruitments in the United States for the British service." There he hob-a-nobs with her Majesty's Governor, Sir Gaspard le Marchant, and concocts with him a cunning scheme. Thence he dispatches recruiting officers to Buffalo, Detroit, and Cleveland, instructing them to "make known to persons in the United States the terms and conditions upon which recruits will be received into the British service." There is not even the subterfuge of designating "foreigners" or "British subjects" in the United States, resorted to here; but "persons"all "persons" willing to take her gracious Majesty's ready "shilling," and wear her livery, are to be instructed by these agents. An adroit plan is also communicated under the form of instructions to these agents. They are directed how to evade the municipal law of the United States. They are carefully