looked upon as a wise and prudent one, | faction in that case. Well, we all know and that whether this year it will work that the Opposition to the Regimental much or little is not what the people of Exchanges Bill did waste-I will not say England-and the most sober portion waste, but consumed-a great deal of of the people of England-are thinking time. But the noble Lord, without being of; but whether at least there is not a accused, excuses himself which is a practical foundation laid for dealing with dangerous process-with respect to the that vast Public Debt which in times of Regimental Exchanges Bill. I never doubt and difficulty, and when the coun- accused the noble Lord, though the Optry is not prosperous, causes us so much position to the Bill proceeded from the anxiety and concern. I do not know front bench, and was not carried on by that there is any measure that we have the three great parties opposite. I rebrought forward for which the appro- collect five nights were occupied on one bation of those classes whose esteem clause. [Several hon. MEMBERS: There must always be valued by a Government was only one clause.] Well, another has been more decidedly pronounced great charge which the noble Lord makes than in respect to that one. Then the against the Government is that their noble Lord says that we proposed Bills measures are wanting in principle. What as to local taxation and local authorities, principle? The principle in which it but that they were given up. But the seems they are wanting is the compulnoble Lord has belonged to Administra-sory principle, and the question is, whetions in his time; and did they not at the end of the Session give up measures? Why, I found an eagerness on the part of the noble Lord himself to get me to give up our measures at the beginning of July, or rather at the end of June. Indeed, he has been educated in the school of statesmen who have been so accustomed to give up their measures that, in his most serious mood and almost with passionate fervour and glowing words, he has attacked us night after night because we did not begin in the merry month of May to give up our measures. Then the noble Lord defends himself against the charge which I made against the Opposition. He says I described the Opposition as factious. Now, my memory completely deceives me if I ever made that charge. It is not a charge which I am in the habit of making. I have passed a considerable part of my time in Opposition, and I acted freely when I was in Opposition; but I hope those to whom I was opposed generally consider that I was a fair opponent. I remember Lord Palmerston's saying once-"They accuse us of faction, but faction is only another man's action;" and it struck me that there was pith in that remark. I have never for one moment thought of charging the Opposition with factious conduct during the present Session. Indeed, I have never accused them in any way. The noble Lord went on to say that he was very much opposed to the Regimental Exchanges Bill, and he defended himself against the charge of

ther the country is in favour of that principle? Laws of general application must be founded on compulsion; but in this country, when you are dealing with the manners and the customs of some particular class or trade or part of the population, if you have recourse to the compulsory principle you will do nothing but create bitterness and opposition. It is only by persuasion— the finest persuasion in the world, which is example-persuasion in action, that you can influence and modify and mitigate habits which you disapprove. Then the noble Lord comes to Supply, and charges us with having been very lax and deficient with respect to the progress which we made with the Committee of Supply. Well, we gave you a whole fortnight for Supply only very recently; but the noble Lord was not ingenuous enough to admit-if, indeed, he recollected the fact that we, whom he so easily charges in this matter, took off the restrictions on the right of hon. Members to bring forward their Motions which were imposed by our Predecessors in office. If we had established those restrictions, Supply, of course, would have been more readily obtained. I am not, however, prepared to say that I regret the course we have taken in this respect. I should be sorry to be obliged to recognize the necessity of again imposing those restrictions, although I think they were salutary and constitutional, and that it may yet become necessary to do so. Then the noble Lord proceeds to criticize my conduct of the

scenes

Business of the House. It has, he says, | Then he was for once not only the Leader lowered its dignity. There have, he of his Party, but the Leader of the tells us, been scenes in the House which House. The course he then pursued reI ought to have prevented. What ceived the congratulations of his friends ? Does the noble Lord mean to out-of-doors; and all the newspaperssay that it was my duty to order the those representing the three sectionshon. Member for Stoke (Dr. Kenealy) said—"Here is a man come to the rescue into the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms, of the dignity of Parliament and the when he rose to make a speech after principles of the Constitution; he is entering the House? There was a scene going to knock up all the musty preceon the occasion to which I refer. Does dents' which the right hon. Member for the noble Lord think I was responsible the University of London said were no for it? Why, the hon. Member for longer adapted to the age." Well, the Stoke is a great supporter of the noble noble Lord did go on manfully, and apLord. He sits exactly behind the noble pealed to the House. But what was its Lord, and I daresay offers him sugges- decision? By an overwhelming majotions on constitutional points which, rity, swollen by many of his own most perhaps, are offered to a deaf ear. I influential supporters, Members whose appeal, then, to the candour of hon. opinions, from their experience and Gentlemen opposite whether I was re- talents, rightly have great influence, sponsible for the exhibition which was this House gave its verdict that the then made? Was I responsible for the policy with regard to Privilege recomcourse which was taken by the hon. Mem-mended by the noble Lord and his right ber for Louth (Mr. Sullivan) with respect to the presence of Strangers? Was he not to use his Privilege of taking notice | that Strangers were present, if he thought right to do so? I do not think I was at all responsible in that case either; but I am perfectly prepared to take my share of the responsibility in the case of the hon. Member for Londonderry (Mr. Charles Lewis). I have touched on the points in connection with the scenes produced by the hon. Member for Stoke and the hon. Member for Louth-scenes which, it is said, have lowered the dignity of the House. If I had interfered, it would have been supposed that I did so to restrain the legitimate exercise of the Privileges of hon. Members. But with respect to the action of the hon. Member for Londonderry, my own opinion is that what occurred never would have happened-though, for reasons I will allege, I do not regret that it has if the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of London (Mr. Lowe), who was Chairman of the Committee whose conduct was questioned, had done that which, I believe, every Gentleman in the House expected he would have done, and which I have the highest authority for saying would have been perfectly consistent with his duty. That scene, however, was rife with very important consequences, because it enabled the Leader of the Opposition to take the only decided step which he has taken during this Session of six months.

hon. Friends was a policy fatal to the dignity, the freedom, and the power of Parliament, and that decision never would have been come to but for the accidental conduct of the hon. Member for Londonderry. The noble Lord said, though I refused the concession which related to the public Press, still I had to make one great concession-that the presence of Strangers should not be noticed in the Gallery. The concession I made was an extremely guarded concession. I think at that moment, in consequence of the inexperience of some hon. Members in the new Parliament, who, I am sure, will never do the same thing again, it was necessary to come to some resolution which could check their vagaries. But that was only a Sessional Order; it does not touch the Privileges of the House, which I do not think ever can be interfered with. I do not think the noble Lord will burn his fingers again with that matter. I believe I have now touched on every remark made by the noble Lord adverse to the Government-at least I am not conscious that I have omitted one. I have no doubt the points which he urged against me were well-considered, that the charges were well-meditated, and that he had the advice of those who have much Parliamentary experience as to the mode in which he was to dispose his arguments and accusations. I ask the House what case has he made out? Has he proved that we have done nothing; has he

being withdrawn, to proceed with his own Bill; and, instead of doing so, the Government proposed to deal with Lanarkshire, without being alive to the risk of causing difficulties in legislation for the comprehensive plan, and he therefore moved

"That it is not expedient to proceed with this measure until this House has had the opportu nity of fully considering the changes which it would be desirable to make in the whole judicial

establishment in Scotland."

MR. RAMSAY seconded the Motion.

Amendment proposed,

proved that he has done anything? I| Member for Glasgow (Mr. Anderson) believe the opinion of the country at this critical moment, now that our labours are nearly at an end, will be unanimous on the subject. The country will see, in a few days, in the most authentic and official record, the catalogue of the labours of the House of Commons. They are not discreditable to the Ministry. They are, I think, manifestly calculated to be beneficial to the country. But I take no credit to myself, whom the noble Lord has made the author of all these delinquencies. I take no credit for that authentic catalogue of the achievements. of Parliament. Though I am placed To leave out from the word "That" to the here to take some chief direction in the end of the Question, in order to add the words conduct of the Business of this House "it is not expedient to proceed with this meaand its general management, the House sure until this House has had the opportunity must know full well that it is not my be desirable to make on the whole judicial of fully considering the changes which it would shoulders or the shoulders of a more establishment in Scotland,"-(Sir George Balgifted man than I that can bear this four,) burden. I am assisted by those who-instead thereof. surround me, by Colleagues most able; and I will say this-whether I speak of Parliament, or of the Cabinet-the most devoted Colleagues a Minister ever possessed. But above all, and beyond all, Cabinets or Colleagues, what the country is most indebted to for the measures of infinite benefit which have been brought forward this year and carried successfully, is the patriotism of Parliament and the good feeling and high spirit of Gentlemen who sit on both sides of the House.

Question put, and agreed to.

Bill read a second time, and committed for To-morrow.

SHERIFFS SUBSTITUTE (SCOTLAND)
BILL.-[BILL 273.]
(Mr. Raikes, The Lord Advocate, Mr.
Secretary Cross.)

SECOND READING.

Order for Second Reading read. Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time." (The Lord Advocate.)

DR. C. CAMERON said, the object of this Bill was to sanction the appointment of another sheriff substitute for Lanarkshire and another magistrate for Glasgow, and contended that those appointments were required in consequence of the great increase of the population of Glasgow.

MR. RAMSAY, who had given Notice of a Motion for the rejection of the Bill, said, he was altogether opposed to it, from a desire that that House should not make an addition to the Judicial Establishment in Scotland, unless it could be shown that this could be done, as in this case he believed it might, without any additional expense to the country. In his county there were five sheriffs substitute, and they had only 767 cases per annum to dispose of among them. He objected, therefore, to an addition to the total number of sheriffs substitute in Scotland as a useless expense. The Scotch did not want any such expenditure of public money.

that the hon. Member for the Falkirk THE LORD ADVOCATE regretted Burghs (Mr. Ramsay) had seen it his duty to oppose the Bill, because he (the GENERAL SIR GEORGE BALFOUR | Lord Advocate) regarded it as necessary complained of the conduct of the Government in regard to proceeding with this partial measure, seeing that the Lord Advocate had brought in a Bill to extend the jurisdiction of the sheriffs, and promised, on the Bill of the hon.

for the administration of justice. The hon. and gallant Member opposite (Sir George Balfour) was mistaken in supposing that there had been an increase of judicial expense in Scotland. On the contrary, that expense had been con

Bill reported; as amended, to be con- denying that a placard offering rewards. sidered To-morrow.

he will afford any and what opportunity | from the circumstance that a whole fleet for proving that the information given of steamers had been taken up to convey to him and so communicated to the House Irishmen, not fewer than 10,000 in numwas not correct? ber, back to their native soil to do honour to the memory of O'Connell, in addition to the many, many thousands assembled from all parts of Ireland itself. The whole of the proceedings passed off with an order, a regularity, and a good humour almost unparalleled, and in confirmation of which he would read to the House the description given in the leading English journal of the procession. The London Times said—

SIR HENRY SELWIN-IBBETSON (for Mr. ASSHETON CROSS), in reply, said, he must remind the hon. Member that these circumstances happened before the accession of the present Home Secretary to office. His right hon. Friend had taken every means in his power to ascertain whether there had been any such occurrences as those stated in the Question. He applied to the principal officer of police who had charge of the police business of the trial, and also to the counsel for the prisoner, and from both of them he had got a distinct denial of any knowledge of such a transaction. The hon. Member had been answered already once on the subject, and the Treasury could afford no further information.

MR. WHALLEY said, the latter part of the Question had not been answered -namely, whether the Home Secretary would afford an opportunity of establishing that the information communicated to the House was not correct.

CONSOLIDATED FUND (APPROPRIA-
TION) BILL.

(Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer.)

COMMITTEE.

Order for Committee read. MR. MITCHELL HENRY said, before the House went into Committee on the Bill, he wished to make an appeal to the Government, and especially to the right hon. Gentleman who was responsible for its policy. He regretted that the Premier was not in his place to hear what he had to say, because the subject to which he wished to direct attention was of transcendent importance; but, at the same time, he admitted that considering the labours he had lately undergone the right hon. Gentleman might well be excused if he was not in the House at 12 o'clock on Saturday. The country could not fail to be gratified by the extraordinary spectacle that had been presented in Ireland, and especially in Dublin, during the last two days. He would not undertake to say how many thousands had taken part in the procession of yesterday; but the House might form some idea of the depth of popular feeling that had been evoked,

"The conduct of the people, however, was in this instance beyond all praise, and this is one of the most remarkable and gratifying features of their carnival. Throughout the whole length of the procession and the crowds who witnessed it there was not a drunken or disorderly person to be seen. There were very few constables anywhere in view. The vast concourse were singularly quiet and tractable, and the utmost good-humour prevailed. There was no jostling encounters on other occasions, but all seemed or rude laughing, such as have led to violent ready to bear and forbear in a considerate and friendly spirit. So gentle and well-tempered were they that in the thickest parts of the throng, where it was difficult to thread one's way by slow and sinuous steps, women were carrying infants in their arms without the slightest fear. The promoters of the festival had ample proof that their confidence in the people was well founded and their organization perfect. In its material as well as its moral aspect the demonstration was eminently gratifying."

Again, the Assizes recently concluded in Ireland with the result that, in many instances, there was hardly any occupation for the Judges at all, and that as regarded crime the country was reported to be not only in a good and satisfactory position, but as contrasted with this country and other parts of Her Majesty's dominions in a marvellously gratifying position. Well, these things being so, there was one black cloud which overshadowed the proceedings of yesterday. At a certain interval in the procession there was heard the music of the Dead March in Saul, and as described in one of the English morning papers

"At Carlisle Bridge, the great black flag was promptly taken out and held in a prominent position before the platform, whilst all around at brief intervals men stood waving black bannerets bearing the inscription, Still in chains.' A curious effect was given to this demonstration by festoons of chains liberally hung over the tops of each banneret, and cunningly clanked at fitting opportunities."

This was the proclamation of popular