several months, probably the whole winter, &c., &c. From what I have been able to learn, I have not the slightest doubt that the "congress" will take place, and that each nation, interested in any degree in the sound question, will either invest its present representative at this court with full power to act thereupon or appoint a special commissioner for that purpose.

What will be the result of the deliberations of the convention it is impossible for me to conjecture. I only know that many of the powers who pay the sound tolls to Denmark are becoming, every day, more restive under those burdens; and while hesitating themselves to take the first step in the matter, they do not object to see the United States disposed to lead the way in resisting their further imposition. Indeed, I am of opinion that if it were not for the state of things at present existing in Europe, there are several of those powers who would not hesitate to disembarrass themselves of that particular tribute.

I beg to be informed, as soon as possible, of the determination to which the President shall come concerning this proposed congress, whether any one from the United States will be deputed to it, and, if so, whether I will be empowered to act, or another.

*

I have the honor to be, &c.,

*

HENRY BEDINGER.

[Translation.]

The duties which the Danish crown levies upon vessels and cargoes passing through the straits of the sound and the belts have already been, for a long time, made the subject of violent attacks which have produced an agitation the much more obstinate that they have frequently had objects and tendencies of a political character, and have always been based upon false and perverted ideas of the right in virtue of which the duties are levied, as also of the manner in which Denmark exercises that right. The true state of things being only known to those who did not care to represent the same in its true light, general attention was very naturally directed, by preference, to the obligations which the levying of the duties imposed upon the trading public, while no one took into consideration the numerous establishments of every kind by which Denmark has constantly endeavored to facilitate the navigation of the Baltic, and to simplify the dispatch of vessels to the customs of the sound. The governments themselves, although respecting, at all times, the right which remained with Denmark, after so many sacrifices made in favor of general peace, were mostly, and for reasons the importance of which it were difficult perhaps to conceal, in our time, unable to divert from Denmark the effects of an agitation the injustice and groundlessness of which they could not but acknowledge.

The efforts of Denmark to allay this agitation led, at the beginning of the reign of King Christian VIII, the august predecessor of the reigning king, to a negotiation between Denmark, England, and

Sweden, the result of which was a revision of the old tariff of the sound; and, by this measure, a set period of time was reached.

Nevertheless, the Danish government had by no means concealed from itself that the agitation would be renewed ere long, and in view of this eventuality King Christian VIII had already conceived the idea of adopting the revision which he had decided upon, in behalf of merchants, by other modifications of the tariff, at periods more or less connected with each other, in order that the rights to levy might always be proportionate to the value of the goods liable to duty.

It is not the fault of the Danish government that the intention of King Christian VIII has not yet been carried out. In following the suggestions of that enlightened monarch, the government commenced, long ago, the preliminary labors necessary to a new revision of the tariff, but, at the period when the idea of the deceased king should have been realized, Denmark found herself, very much against her will, and by events which could not possibly have been foreseen, implicated in a war which necessarily absorbed all the attention of her government, and which did not admit of those sacrifices, inseparable from any reduction of the tariff actually in force. After the conclusion

of the peace, the country found itself a prey to the inevitable consequences of the interior commotions which the war had only tended to foster, and to the difficulties by which it was thus surrounded there was soon added the present war between Russia, France and England.

If it depended on the Danish government, it would certainly not select, with a view to bringing the matter of sound dues again into discussion, a period like the present, when the two powers mostly interested in this matter find themselves placed in an attitude of antagonism. But the position into which said government has been thrown leaves it no other alternative.

Among all the governments, that of the United States of America. is the only one that has ever called into question the rights of Denmark to collect the sound dues. It is but recently that the United States have expressed themselves directly in that sense; for although it may be proper to acknowledge that those States have, on various occasions, in the course of latter years, caused it to be foreseen that they did not intend to follow, with respect to the sound dues, the international system generally established in Europe, the provision relative to those dues inserted in the convention of friendship, commerce and navigation concluded on the 26th of April, 1826, between Denmark and America, contains, nevertheless, the same as the analogous article of the treaties and conventions of the same character, between Denmark and other powers, rather a formal acknowledgment than a tendency to dispute the right in question.

In a note, dated the 14th of last April, the minister resident of the United States at Copenhagen denounced the aforesaid convention, which is the only written engagement entered into between Denmark and America that makes particular mention of the sound dues; and in denouncing it said diplomatic agent expressed a hope that Denmark would, before the expiration of the treaty, i. e., before the 14th of April, 1856, acknowledge the justice and the propriety of allowing

American vessels to pursue their commercial operations on the seas, without paying tribute to any one, and without being stopped by any power whatever. The object which the United States have had in view, in denouncing their convention of commerce with Denmark, has then been to exempt thereby American vessels from the sound dues. It is unnecessary to inquire, in this place, whether the accomplishment of that object is the logical consequence of the expiration of a convention which does not mention the dues in question, except for the purpose of securing to American vessels, in regard to the levying of the duties, a privileged treatment, instead of the non-privileged treatment which had been applied to them in former times. Denmark desires to avoid a discussion of this kind, and, besides, the steps taken by the United States have only been alluded to in this document, in order to specify the position into which, as it has been observed above, Denmark has been thrown.

This position has a double effect upon the determination of the Danish government. Because, after the denunciation of the convention of the 26th of April, 1826, or rather after the declaration, on the part of the United States, to exempt American vessels from the sound. duties, the Danish government, if it decline, in view of this declaration, to confine itself to the reply which has been made to them, could not only not postpone taking the measures adopted to the circumstances, but it has even become problematical whether the measures which had been contemplated in regard to the sound dues, previous to the aforesaid declaration, would now suffice to avoid a conflict and complications, the consequence of which, by the force of circumstances, would probably overstep the limits of a discussion between Denmark and the United States.

If it only depended upon itself, the Danish government would determine upon a revision of the sound tariff; especially, because this measure could be adopted without the concurrence of any foreign power; and it is persuaded that a tariff reduced and regulated after the actual value of goods would be likely to satisfy the reasonable wishes of the trading public. But the declaration above mentioned not only shows that a revision would not satisfy a great power with which Denmark sincerely desires to preserve her general relations of good understanding, it has also become more than probable, in consequence of said declaration, that other powers, whose views and desires are equally entitled to be taken into consideration, would not be disposed to find in this measure a suitable expedient.

Under these circumstances the Danish government has determined to submit to the powers interested in the affair of the sound a proposition of an entirely different character. It hopes that the plan it is about to propose will prove as agreeable to the powers as it is certain that it will suit commercial navigation generally; it hopes, above all, that the United States of America will be pleased to consider this proceeding on the part of Denmark as an earnest of her desire to reconcile, as much as possible, her interests with those of America, and especially to avoid a painful discussion, and, it may be, a conflict with that country which it justly respects. In fact, as the Danish government does not think it ought to enter into such a discussion,

its principal motive in not confining itself to the revision which had been projected is, that it does not find this measure calculated to serve as a rejoinder to the steps taken by the United States.

Setting thus aside the project of a revision, without, however, abandoning the same, the Danish government starts upon the hypothesis that the other governments, considering the revision as not calculated to prevent the conflicts which it is the question to avoid, would have invited it to submit to them other propositions which, without infringing upon the right of Denmark, might be of a character to unite, in a higher degree, the suffrages of the parties interested.

If the plan of a revision be discarded, it is to declare, at least implicitly, that the only basis upon which negotiations would be entered into with Denmark ought to be that of a definite settlement of the affair of the sound, and the problem to be solved would then be to find an expedient which should cause the dues to cease entirely, without derogating on that account from the rights of the Danish crown. This double result could only be obtained by an capitalization of the dues, in order to free, at once and forever, the trading navigation from the payment of duties by means of a just compensation to Denmark.

This, then, is the plan of settlement which the Danish government submits to the consideration of the powers interested in the affair of the sound.

But an arrangement of this nature can only be realized by the simultaneous concurrence of all the respective powers. The formal and positive engagements existing between Denmark and the other powers relative to the sound dues do not admit of a special arrangement, in respect to this matter, between Denmark and another power. Besides this condition, there is yet another which the Danish government regards as essential: it is that the affair in question shall be treated, not as a commercial or money transaction, but as a political matter. This would correspond with the history of the sound dues, with the part which these dues have played in the politics of the north of Europe; otherwise it were impossible to give to the negotiation the necessary scope and character in order that it may not be encumbered by questions of a secondary class, which may do very well in a purely commercial and fiscal arrangement, but not in an arrangement intended to serve as a complement to treaties of peace, and to transactions by which the system of political equilibrium has been regulated. Consequently the Danish government, in recommending its proposition to the kind consideration of the cabinets, also takes the liberty of requesting that they will be pleased to decide upon entering into negotiation with the Danish government as soon as possible, and to furnish their diplomatic agents at the Danish court with full powers and necessary instructions, or to send special commissioners to Copenhagen in order to devise and establish definitely a general agreement, both as regards the compensation to which Denmark might think herself entitled to claim as indemnity for the losses she would sustain by the cessation of the dues, and as to the mode of calculation to be used in order to ascertain and determine,

eventually, the just proportion in which each of the respective powers would have to contribute its quota.

It were desirable that this negotiation could be opened in the course of the month of November of the present year. In expressing this desire, the Danish government has in view, not only the urgency of the affair in question, as relates to Denmark, but also the consideration that several powers, and particularly those who, by their geographical position, might be very apt to find this term too close at hand, are so little interested in the sound dues, that they might not deem it necessary to be represented from the beginning of the eventual conferences, or might even prefer, perhaps, to cause themselves to be represented at the negotiation by some friendly power.

The choice of the city of Copenhagen as the seat of the negotiation has been occasioned by the circumstance that that city is the head quarter of all the administrative departments, and that it presents, consequently, very peculiar facilities for furnishing the materials and the information which might be desired in the interest of the negotiation.

The Danish government does by no means conceal from itself that the step it has determined upon taking is not of a character to be at first equally well received everywhere; but, while regretting that such may be the case, it nevertheless cherishes a hope that its propositions and its proceedings will not be judged until after they shall have been maturely examined, allowances being made for the position in which Denmark finds herself placed; it expects to meet with equal justice everywhere, and places its trust in the friendly disposition of which the powers have, on other occasions, given so many proofs.

On its own part, it will set to work with the best intentions, penetrated with a sincere desire to prove, by facts, that it has nothing else in view, by way of a final result, than an arrangement equally acceptable to all.

It only remains now to add some general remarks upon the manner of carrying out the plan of capitalization.

This is not the first time that this plan has been discussed; although it has never been formally proposed by the Danish government to the powers generally, it has, nevertheless, been the subject of conferences with several cabinets, and it may, therefore, be supposed that, in principle, it contains nothing which is new to the powers interested, or which requires detailed explanations in order to be understood. It does not seem necessary, neither, to submit, at this late hour, the various bases of capitalization among which a choice might be made, to a particular examination. The Danish government, although naturally bound to contribute its share to capitalization, does not wish to act in anticipation of the opinions which may be set afloat, or be promulgated, in the course of a negotiation to which the delegates of different States are participants. Its desire being simply to find out an expedient equally acceptable to all, provided that this object be accomplished, it gives no preference to any particular mode of proceeding.

It may not be superfluous, however, to present an outline of the