This declaration has since been known throughout the world as the "Monroe doctrine," and has received the public and official sanction of subsequent Presidents as well as of a very large majority of the American people. Whilst this doctrine will be maintained, whenever in the opinion of Congress the peace and safety of the United States shall render this necessary, yet, to have acted upon it in Central America might have brought us into collision with Great Britain, an event always to be deprecated and, if possible, avoided. We can do each other the most good and the most harm of any two nations in the world; and therefore it is our strong mutual interest, as it ought to be our strong mutual desire, to remain the best friends. To settle these dangerous questions, both parties wisely resorted to friendly negotiations, which resulted in the convention of April, 1850. May this prove to be instrumental in finally adjusting all questions of difficulty between the parties in Central America, and in perpetuating their peace and friendship! Surely, the Mosquito Indians ought not to prove an obstacle to so happy a consummation. Even if these savages had never been actually subdued by Spain, this would give them no title to rank as an independent State, without violating the principles and the practice of every European nation, without exception, which has acquired territory on the continent of America. They all mutually recognized the right of discovery, as well as the title of the discoverer, to a large extent of interior territory, though at the moment occupied by fierce and hostile tribes of Indians. On this principle the wars, the negotiations, the cessions, and the jurisprudence of these nations were founded. The ultimate dominion and absolute title belonged to themselves, although several of them, and especially Great Britain, conceded to the Indians a right of mere occupancy, which, however, could only be extinguished by the authority of the nation within whose dominions these Indians were found. All sales or transfers of territory made by them to third parties were declared to be absolutely void; and this was a merciful rule even for the Indians themselves, because it prevented them from being defrauded by dishonest individuals. No nation has ever acted more steadily upon these principles than Great Britain, and she has solemnly recognized them in her treaties with the king of Spain of 1783 and 1786, by admitting his sovereignty over the Mosquitos. Shall the Mosquito tribe of Indians constitute an exception from this hitherto universal rule? Is there anything in their character or in their civilization which would enable them to perform the duties and sustain the responsibilities of a sovereign State in the family of nations? Bonnycastle says of them that they "were formerly a very powerful and numerous race of people, but the ravages of rum and the smallpox have diminished their numbers very much." He represents them, on the authority of British settlers, as seeming "to have no other religion than the adoration of evil spirits.' The same author also states that "the warriors of this tribe are accounted at fifteen hundred.” This possibly may have been correct in 1818, when the book was published, but at present serious doubts are entertained whether they reach much more than half that number. The truth is, they are now a debased race, and are degraded even below the common Indian standard. They have acquired the worst vices of civilization from their intercourse with the basest class of the whites, without any of its redeeming virtues. The Mosquitos have been thus represented by a writer of authority who has recently enjoyed the best opportunities for personal observation. That they are totally incapable of maintaining an independent civilized government is beyond all question. Then, in regard to their so-called king, Lord Palmerston, in speaking of him to Mr. Rives, in September, 1851, says: "They had what was called a king, who, by the bye," he added in a tone of pleasantry, "was as much a king as I or you. And Lord John Russell, in his dispatch to Mr. Crampton of the 19th January, 1853, denominates the Mosquito government as "a fiction,' and speaks of the king as a person whose title and power are, in truth, little better than nominal." The moment Great Britain shall withdraw from Bluefields, where she now exercises exclusive dominion over the Mosquito shore, the former relations of the Mosquitos to Nicaragua and Honduras, as the successors of Spain, will naturally be restored. When this event shall occur, it is to be hoped that these States, in their conduct towards the Mosquitos and the other Indian tribes within their territories, will follow the example of Great Britain and the United States. Whilst neither of these has ever acknowledged or permitted any other nation to acknowledge any Indian tribe within their limits as an independent people, they have both recognized the qualified right of such tribes to occupy the soil, and, as the advance of the white settlements rendered this necessary, have acquired their title by a fair purchase. Certainly it cannot be desired that this extensive and valuable Central American coast, on the highway of nations between the Atlantic and the Pacific, should be appropriated to the use of three or four thousand wandering Indians as an independent State, who would use it for no other purpose than that of hunting and fishing and savage warfare. If such an event were possible, the coast would become a retreat for pirates and outlaws of every nation, from whence to infest and disturb the commerce of the world in its transit across the isthmus. And but little better would be its condition should a new independent State be established on the Mosquito shore. Besides, in either event, the Central American States would deeply feel the injustice which had been done them in depriving them of a portion of their territories. They would never cease in attempts to recover their rights, and thus strife and contention would be perpetuated in that quarter of the world where it is so much the interest, both of Great Britain and the United States, that all territorial questions shall be speedily, satisfactorily, and finally adjusted. LONDON, January 6, 1854. JAMES BUCHANAN. [No. 31.] Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Marcy. [Extract.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: Late on Tuesday evening last, I received the long promised and long delayed statement of Lord Clarendon on the Central American questions, dated on the 2d instant, a copy of which I have now the honor to transmit. Accompanying this statement, I also received a private note from his lordship, apologizing "for the further delay that has taken place, owing to the Easter holidays, and the necessity of consulting some of my [his] colleagues who were out of town.” * * * * Yours, very respectfully, * * * JAMES BUCHANAN. Hon. W. L. MARCY, Secretary of State. Mr. Lawrence to Lord Palmerston. UNITED STATES LEGATION, MY DEAR LORD: As I told you in our conversation this morning, I have been instructed by the President to inquire whether the British government intends to occupy or colonize Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito coast, so called, or any part of Central America. I have also been instructed to inquire whether the British government will unite with the United States in guaranteeing the neutrality of a ship canal, railway, or other communication, to be open to the world and common to all nations. May I beg the favor of an answer to these inquiries, and to express the wish that I may receive it before two o'clock to-morrow, so as to send it out by this week's packet. I am aware that Nicaragua is in dispute with Costa Rica, on the one hand, about her boundary, and with the Mosquitos, on the other, about their sovereignty. I have no purpose now to enter upon those questions. I only desire to know the views of her Majesty's government on the questions I have proposed. At the same time I cannot but think that Great Britain and the United States can heal these breaches by kind offices, and that the Indians can be provided for in a manner satisfactory to Nicaragua and Great Britain, and far better for them than the equivocal position they now occupy. I need not assure your lordship that the United States have no ulterior purposes in view. They frankly disclaim all intention of obtaining territory in Central America, and I have no doubt would be willing to mutually agree with Great Britain neither to settle, annex, colonize, or fortify that country. I am, &c., VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, &c. ABBOTT LAWRENCE. Lord Palmerston to Mr. Lawrence. FOREIGN OFFICE, November 13, 1849. MY DEAR SIR: I have received your letter of the 8th, written in accordance with what passed in our conversation in the morning of that day, and I hasten to reply to your inquiries. With regard to the first part of your inquiry, I beg to say that her Majesty's government do not intend to occupy or colonize Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito coast, or any part of Central America. With regard to Mosquito, however, a close political connexion has existed between the crown of Great Britain and the State and Territory of Mosquito for a period of about two centuries, but the British government does not claim dominion in Mosquito. With regard to the second part of your inquiry, I beg to say that her Majesty's government will feel great pleasure in combining and co-operating with the government of the United States, for the purpose of assisting the operations of any company which may be formed with a view to establish a commercial communication, by canal or railway, between the Atlantic and Pacific, across the isthmus which divides the northern and southern portion of the American continent, both by obtaining local security for the works while in progress, and when completed and in use, and by placing such communication, through the means of political arrangements, beyond the reach of molestation, disturbance, or obstruction by reason of international disputes which may at any time unfortunately arise, upon the condition, moreover, that such communication should at all times be open and accessible for the commerce of all nations, upon equal terms for all. Her Majesty's government would feel that the union of two great powers for the accomplishment of an object of such general utility, and tending so much to assist the diffusion of civilization and to strengthen the foundations of international peace, would be as honorable to the powers concerned in such an arrangement as the result would be advantageous to the commercial interests of the world at large. With regard to the port of Greytown, at the mouth of the river St. John, her Majesty's government would fully undertake to obtain the consent of Mosquito to such arrangements as would render that port entirely applicable, and on the principles above mentioned, to the purposes of such a sea to sea communication. You advert in your letter to the differences which have arisen between the republics of Nicaragua and Costa Rica, in regard to boundaries and some other matters, and you suggest that the joint influence of Great Britain and the United States should be employed to heal, by their good offices, the breaches which have interrupted the friendly relations of those two contiguous States. Her Majesty's government would, upon every account, be glad to join with the United States in effecting such a reconciliation, and the more so, because the cordial co-operation of both of those republics would be essential for the satisfactory completion of the contemplated undertaking. I have only further to say that her Majesty's government have re ceived with great satisfaction your assurance that the United States have no ulterior purposes in view in regard to these matters; that they frankly disclaim all intention of obtaining territory in Central America, and that you have no doubt that they would be willing to enter into a mutual agreement with Great Britain, neither to settle, annex, colonize, or fortify that country, and I can with equal frankness assure you, that into such a mutual agreement her majesty's government would be equally ready to enter. I am, &c., &c. Washington, June 12, 1854. SIR The perusal of Lord Clarendon's reply to your statement in regard to Central American affairs does not encourage hopes of a speedy adjustment of them. * * * * I still indulge the hope, that, by the array of facts and arguments bearing on the questions in difference in regard to Central American affairs, the government of Great Britain will be induced to abandon the main positions assumed by Lord Clarendon in his statement of the 2d ultimo. This government can never yield to the pretension that the treaty of the 19th of April, 1850, was only prospective in its operation, and that Great Britain retained the right to hold on to all she then had or now claims to have had in Central America. It was certainly our expectation that she came under obligations to the United States, by that instrument, to withdraw from interference in Central American affairs, and this expectation is sustained by the language of the treaty. There is room for a fair difference of opinion as to the position she should in future occupy in regard to Belize or British Honduras. It was not the object of the President, as you will perceive by your general instructions, to direct you to insist that by the Clayton and Bulwer treaty she was bound to abandon the possession of the Belize. She had a right to occupy for a specific purpose a small district of country on the shore of the Bay of Honduras, but had no sovereignty over it. The character of this right, and the extent of territory to which it applied, are both clearly defined in her treaty with Spain of 1786. If this territory could be fairly considered within the limits of Central America, then the British possession of it was affected by the treaty, and this government might consequently claim the abandonment of the British occupation and dominion over it. The assertion of the claim upon Great Britain to abandon Belize as a |