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sentiment was reiterated and amplified in a a great Convention of the Democracy, which met at Herkimer, in the autumn of this year. The contest proceeded with great earnestness throughout the Free States, the supporters of Polk and of Birney (the Abolition candidate for President), fully agreeing in the assertion that Mr. Clay's position was equally favorable to Annexation with Mr. Polk's. Mr. Birney, in a letter published on the eve of the Election, declared that he regarded Mr. Clay's election as more favorable to Annexation than Mr. Polk's, because, while equally inclined to fortify and extend Slavery, he possessed more ability to influence Congress in its favor. He says:

"I have no reasons for opposing Mr. Clay on personal grounds. On the contrary, the intercourse we have had has been of the most friendly character. I oppose his election, because he disbelieves the great political truths of the Declaration of Independence, the foundation of all just government, and because he repudiates the paramount objects of the Union, the perpetuation of liberty to all. On the same ground, I oppose the election of Mr. Polk. But I more deprecate the election of Mr. Clay-because, possessing abilities superior to Mr. Polk's, he would proportionately weaken the influence of those truths on the minds of our countrymen. Respectfully, &c.,

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"Every day will tend to weaken that combi. nation of political causes which led to the opposiconviction that it was not only expedient, but tion of the measure, and to strengthen the just and necessary.

"You were right in making the distinction between the interests of France and England in reference to Texas-or rather, I should say, the apparent interests of the two countries. France interests in desiring to see her preserve her sepacannot possibly have any other than commercial rate independence, while it is certain that England looks beyond, to political interests, to which she apparently attaches much importance. But, in our opinion, the interest of both against the measure is more apparent than real; and that neither France, England, nor even Mexico herself, has any in opposition to it, when the subject is fairly viewed and considered in its whole extent, and in all its bearings. Thus viewed and considered, and assuming that peace, the extension of commerce, and security, are objects of primary policy with them, it may, as it seems to me, be readily shown that the policy on the part of those powers which would acquiesce in a measure so strongly desired by both the United States and Texas, for their mutual welfare and safety, as the annexation of the latter to the former, would be far more promotive of these great objects than that which would attempt to resist it.

"It is impossible to cast a look at the map of the United States and Texas, and to note the long, artificial and inconvenient line which divides them, and to take into consideration the extraordinary increase of population and growth of the former, and the source from which the latter must derive its inhabitants, institutions, and laws, without coming to the conclusion that it is Before this time, but as yet withheld from, their destiny to be united, and of course, that and unknown to, the public, Mr. Calhoun, mode. Thus regarded, the question to be decided Annexation is merely a question of time and now President Tyler's Secretary of State, would seem to be, whether it would not be better and an early and powerful advocate of An- to permit it to be done now, with the mutual connexation, had addressed to Hon. Wm. R. sent of both parties, and the acquiescence of King, our Embassador at Paris, the follow-these powers, than to attempt to resist and defeat ing official dispatch:

Mr. Calhoun to Mr. King.


Washington, August 12, 1844. "SIR-I have laid your dispatch, No. 1, before the President, who instructs me to make known to you that he has read it with much pleasure, especially the portion which relates to your cordial reception by the King, and his assurance of friendly feelings toward the United States. The President, in particular, highly appreciates the declaration of the King, that, in no event, would any steps be taken by his government in the slightest degree hostile, or which would give to the United States just cause of complaint. It was the more gratifying from the fact, that our previous information was calculated to make the impression that the government of France was prepared to unite with Great Britain in a joint protest against the annexation of Texas, and a joint effort to induce her Government to withdraw the proposition to annex, on condition that Mexico should be made to acknowledge her independence. He is happy to infer from your dispatch that the information, so far as it relates to France, is, in all probability, without foundation. You did not go further than you ought, in assuring the King that the object of Annexation would be pursued with unabated vigor, and in giving your opinion that a decided majority of the American people were in its favor, and that it would certainly be annexed at no distant day. I feel confident that your anticipation will be fully realized at no distant period.


"If the former course be adopted, the certain fruits would be the preservation of peace, great extension of commerce by the rapid settlement and improvement of Texas, and increased security, especially to Mexico. The last, in reference to Mexico, may be doubted; but I hold it not less clear than the other two.

"It would be a great mistake to suppose that this Government has any hostile feelings toward Mexico, or any disposition to aggrandize itself at her expense. The fact is the very reverse.

"It wishes her well, and desires to see her settled down in peace and security; and is prepared, in the event of the Annexation of Texas, if not forced into conflict with her, to propose to settle with her the question of boundary, and all others growing out of the Annexation, on the most liberal terms. Nature herself has clearly marked the boundary between her and Texas by natural limits, too strong to be mistaken. There are few countries whose limits are so distinctly marked; and it would be our desire, if Texas should be united to us, to see them firmly established, as the most certain means of establishing permanent peace between the two countries, and strengthening and cementing their friendship. Such would be the certain consequence of permitting the Annexation to take place now, with the acquiescence of Mexico; but very different would be the case if it should be attempted to resist and defeat it, whether the attempt should be successful for the present or not. Any attempt of the kind would, not improbably, lead to a conflict between us and Mexico, and involve consequences, in reference to her and the general peace, long to be deplored

on both sides, and difficult to be repaired. But, should that not be the case, and the interference of another power defeat the Annexation for the present, without the interruption of peace, it would but postpone the conflict, and render it more fierce and bloody whenever it might occur. "Its defeat would be attributed to enmity and ambition on the part of that power by whose interference it was occasioned, and excite deep jealousy and resentment on the part of our people, who would be ready to seize the first favorable opportunity to effect by force what was prevented from being done peaceably by mutual consent. It is not difficult to see how greatly such a conflict, come when it might, would endanger the general peace, and how much Mexico might be the loser by it.

ments, furnishes proof not less conclusive. That one of the objects of abolishing it there is to facilitate its abolition in the United States, and throughout the continent, is manifest from the declaration of the Abolition party and societies both in this country and in England. In fact, there is good reason to believe that the scheme of abolishing it in Texas, with a view to its abolition in the United States, and over the continent, originated with the prominent members of the party in the United States; and was first broached by them in the (so called) World's Convention, held in London in the year 1840, and through its agency brought to the notice of the British Government.

"Now, I hold, not only that France can have no interest in the consummation of this grand scheme, which England hopes to accomplish through Texas, if she can defeat the Annexation, but that her interests, and those of all the Continental powers of Europe are directly and deeply opposed to it.

"In the mean time, the condition of Texas would be rendered uncertain, her settlement and prosperity in consequence retarded, and her commerce crippled; while the general peace would be rendered much more insecure. It could not but greatly affect us. If the Annexation of Texas should be permitted to take place peaceably now, (as it would, without the interference of other powers,) the energies of our people would, for a long time to come, be directed to the peaceable pursuits of redeeming and bringing within the pale of cultivation, improvement, and civil ization, that large portion of the continent lying between Mexico on one side and the British possessions on the other, which is now, with little exception, a wilderness, with a sparse popula-ple that tropical products can be produced tion, consisting, for the most part, of wandering Indian tribes.

"It is our destiny to occupy that vast region; to intersect it with roads and canals; to fill it with cities, towns, villages, and farms; to extend over it our religion, customs, constitution, and laws, and to present it as a peaceful and splendid addition to the domains of commerce and civilization. It is our policy to increase by growing and spreading out into unoccupied regions, assimilating all we incorporate: in a word, to increase by accretion, and not through conquest, by the addition of masses held together by the adhesion of


"No system can be more unsuited to the latter process, or better adapted to the former, than our admirable federal system. If it should not be resisted in its course, it will probably fulfill its destiny without disturbing our neighbors, or putting in jeopardy the general peace; but if it be opposed by foreign interference, a new direc tion would be given to our energy, much less favorable to harmony with our neighbors, and to the general peace of the world.

"The change would be undesirable to us, and much less in accordance with what I have assumed to be primary objects of policy on the part of France, England, and Mexico.

"But, to descend to particulars: it is certain that while England, like France, desires the independence of Texas, with the view to commercial connections, it is not less so that, one of the leading motives of England for desiring it, is the hope that, through her diplomacy and influence, Negro Slavery may be abolished there, and ultimately, by consequence, in the United States and throughout the whole of this continent. That its ultimate abolition throughout the entire continent is an object ardently desired by her, we have decisive proofs in the declaration of the Earl of Aberdeen, delivered to this Department, and of which you will find a copy among the documents transmitted to Congress with the Texan treaty. That she desires its abolition in Texas, and has used her influence and diplomacy to effect it there, the same document, with the correspondence of this Department with Mr. Packenham, also to be found among the docu

"It is too late in the day to contend that humanity or philanthropy is the great object of the policy of England in attempting to abolish African Slavery on this Continent. I do not question but humanity may have had a considerable influence in abolishing Slavery in her West India possessions, aided, indeed, by the fallacious calculation that the labor of the Negroes would be at least as profitable, if not more so, in consequence of the measure. She acted on the princi


cheaper by free African labor and East India labor, than by slave labor. She knew full well the value of such products to her commerce, navigation, navy, manufacturers, revenue, and powShe was not ignorant that the support and maintenance of her political preponderance depended on her tropical possessions, and had no intention of diminishing their productiveness, nor any anticipation that such would be the ef fect, when the scheme of abolishing Slavery in her colonial possessions was adopted. On the contrary, she calculated to combine philanthropy with profit and power, as is not unusual with fanaticism. Experience has convinced her of the fallacy of her calculations. She has failed in all her objects. The labor of her Negroes has proved far less productive, without affording the consolation of having improved their condition.

"The experiment has turned out to be a costly one. She expended nearly one hundred millions of dollars in indemnifying the owners of the emancipated Slaves. It is estimated that the increased price paid since, by the people of Great Britain, for sugar and other tropical productions, in consequence of the measure, is equal to half that suin; and that twice that amount has been expended in the suppression of the Slave-trade; making together two hundred and fifty millions of dollars as the cost of the experiment. Instead of realizing her hope, the result has been a sad disappointment. Her tropical products have fallen off to a vast amount. Instead of supplying her own wants, and those of nearly all Europe with them, as formerly, she has now, in some of the most important articles, scarcely enough to supply her own. What is worse, her own colonies are actually consuming sugar produced by Slave-labor, brought direct to England, or refined in bond, and exported and sold in her colonies as cheap, or cheaper, than can be produced there; while the Slave-trade, instead of diminishing, has been in fact carried on to a greater extent than ever. So disastrous has been the result, that her fixed capital invested in tropical possessions, estimated at the value of nearly five hundred millions of dollars, is said to stand on the brink of ruin.

"But this is not the worst; while this costly

scheme has had such ruinous effects on the tropical productions of Great Britain, it has given a powerful stimulus, followed by a corresponding increase of products, to those countries which had had the good sense to shun her example. There has been vested, it has been estimated by them, in the production of tropical products, since 1808, in fixed capital, nearly $4,000,000,000, wholly dependent on Slave-labor. In the same period, the value of their products has been estimated to have risen from about $72.000,000, annually, to nearly $220,000,000; while the whole of the fixed capital of Great Britain, vested in cultivating tropical products, both in the East and West Indies, is estimated at only about $830,000,000, and the value of the products annually at about $50,000,000. To present a still more striking view of three articles of tropical products (sugar, coffee, and cotton), the British possessions, including the East and West Indies, and Mauritius, produced in 1842, of sugar, only 3,993,771 pounds; while Cuba, Brazil, and the United States, excluding other countries having tropical possessions, produced 9,600,000 pounds; of coffee. the British possessions produced only 27,393,003 pounds, while Cuba and Brazil produced 201,590,125 pounds; and of cotton, the British possessions, including shipments to China, only 137,443,446 pounds, while the United States alone produced 790,479,275 pounds.

"The above facts and estimate have all been drawn from a British periodical of high standing and authority,* and are believed to be entitled to credit.

"The vast increase of the capital and production on the part of those nations, who have continued their former policy toward the negro race, compared with that of Great Britain, indicates a corresponding relative increase of the means of commerce, navigation, manufactures, wealth, and power. It is no longer a question of doubt, that the great source of wealth, prosperity, and power of more civilized nations of the temperate zone (especially Europe, where the arts have made the greatest advance), depends, in a great degree, on the exchange of their products with those of the tropical regions. So great has been the advance made in the arts, both chemical and mechanical, within the few last generations, that all the old civilized nations can, with but a small part of their labor and capital, supply their respective wants; which tends to limit, within narrow bounds, the amount of the commerce between them, and forces them all to seek for markets in the tropical regions, and the more newly. settled portions of the globe. Those who can best succeed in commanding those markets, have the least prospect of outstripping the others in the career of commerce, navigation, manufactures, wealth, and power.

This is seen and felt by British statesmen, and has opened their eyes to the errors which they have committed. The question now with them is, how shall it be counteracted? What has been done cannot be undone. The question is, by what means can Great Britain regain and keep a superiority in tropical cultivation, commerce, and influence? Or, shall that be abandoned, and other nations be suffered to acquire the supremacy, even to the extent of supplying British markets, to the destruction of the capital already vested in their production? These are the questions which now profoundly occupy the attention of her statesmen, and have the greatest influence over her councils.

"In order to regain her superiority, she not only seeks to revive and increase her own capacity to produce tropical productions, but to diminish and destroy the capacity of those who have so far out

* Blackwood's Magazine for June, 1841.

stripped her in consequence of her error. In pursuit of the former, she has cast her eyes to her East India possessions-to Central and Eastern Africa-with the view of establishing colonies there, and even to restore, substantially, the Slavetrade itself, under the specious name of transporting her free laborers from Africa to her West India possessions, in order, if possible, to compete successfully with those who have refused to follow her suicidal policy. But these all afford but uncertain and distant hopes of recovering her lost superiority. Her main reliance is on the other alternative-to cripple or destroy the productions of her successful rivals. There is but one way by which it can be done, and that is by abolishing African Slavery throughout this continent; and that she openly avows to be the constant object of her policy and exertions. It matters not how, or from what motive, it may be done-whether it be by diplomacy, influence, or force; by secret or open means; and whether the motive be humane or selfish, without regard to manner, means, or motive. The thing itself, should it be accomplished, would put down all rivalry, and give her the undisputed supremacy in supplying her own wants, and those of the rest of the world; and thereby more than fully retrieve what she lost by her errors. It would give her the monopoly of tropical productions, which I shall next proceed

to show.

"What would be the consequence if this object of her unceasing solicitude and exertions should be effected by the abolition of Negro Slavery throughout this continent, some idea may be formed from the immense diminution of productions, as has been shown, which has followed abolition in her West India possessions. But, as great as that has been, it is nothing compared with what would be the effect, if she should succeed in abolishing Slavery in the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and throughout this continent. The experiment in her own colonies was made under the most favorable circumstances. It was brought about gradually and peaceably by the steady and firm operation of the parent country, armed with complete power to prevent or crush at once all insurrectionary movements on the part of the negroes, and able and disposed to maintain to the full, the political and social ascendancy of the former Masters over their former Slaves. It is not at all wonderful that the change of the relations of Master and Slave took place, under such cir cumstances, without violence and bloodshed, and that order and peace should have been since preserved. Very different would be the result of abolition, should it be effected by her influence and exertions in the possessions of other countries on this continent-and especially in the United States, Cuba, and Brazil, the great cultivators of the principal tropical products of America. To form a correct conception of what would be the result with them, we must look, not to Jamaica, but to St. Domingo, for example. The change would be followed by unforgiving hate between the two races, and end in a bloody and deadly struggle between them for the superiority. One or the other would have to be subjugated, extirpated, or expelled; and desolation would overspread their territories, as in St. Domingo, from which it would take centuries to recover. The end would be, that the superiority in cultivating the great tropical staples would be transferred from them to the British tropical possessions.

"They are of vast extent, and those beyond the Cape of Good Hope, possessed of an unlimited amount of labor, standing ready, by the aid of British capital, to supply the deficit which would be occasioned by destroying the tropical productions of the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and other countries cultivated by Slave-labor on this continent, as soon as the increased prices, in consequence, would yield a profit. It is the

successful competition of that labor which keeps the prices of the great tropical staples so low as to prevent their cultivation with profit in the possessions of Great Britain, by what she is pleased to call free-labor.

"If she can destroy its competition, she would have a monopoly of these productions. She has all the means of furnishing an unlimited supply -vast and fertile possessions in both Indies, boundless command of capital and labor, and ample power to suppress disturbances and preserve order throughout her wide domain.

It is unquestionable that she regards the abolition of Slavery in Texas as a most important step toward this great object of policy, so much the aim of her solicitude and exertions; and the defeat of the Annexation of Texas to our Union as indispensable to the abolition of Slavery there. She is too sagacious not to see what a fatal blow it would give to Slavery in the United States, and how certainly its abolition with us will abolish it over the whole continent, and thereby give her a monopoly in the productions of the great tropical staples, and the command of the commerce, navigation, and manu factures of the world, with an established naval ascendancy and political preponderance. To this continent, the blow would be calamitous beyond description. It would destroy, in a great measure, the cultivation and productions of the great tropical staples, amounting annually in value to nearly $300,000,000, the fund which stimulates and upholds almost every other branch of its industry, commerce. navigation, and manufactures. The whole, by their joint influence, are rapidly spreading population, wealth, improvement and civilization over the whole continent. and vivifying, by their overflow, the industry of Europe, thereby increasing its population, wealth, and advancement in the arts, in power, and in civilization.

"Such must be the result, should Great Britain succeed in accomplishing the constant object of her desire and exertions-the abolition of Negro Slavery over this continent-and towards the effecting of which she regards the defeat of the Annexation of Texas to our Union so important.

"Can it be possible that governments so enlightened and sagacious as those of France and the other great continental powers, can be so blinded by the plea of philanthropy as not to see what must inevitably follow, be her motive what it may, should she succeed in her object? It is little short of mockery to talk of philanthropy, with the example before us of the effects of abolishing Negro Slavery in her own colonies, in St. Domingo, and in the Northern States of our Union, where statistical facts, not to be shaken, prove that the free Negro, after the experience of sixty years, is in a far worse condition than in the other States, where he has been left in his former condition. No: the effect of what is called abolition, where the number is few, is not to raise the inferior race to the condition of freemen, but to deprive the Negro of the guardian care of his owner, subject to all the depression and oppression belonging to his interior condition. But, on the other hand, where the number is great, and bears a large proportion to the whole population, it would be still worse. It would be to substitute for the existing relation a deadly strife between the two races, to end in the subjection, expulsion, or extirpation of one or the other; and such would be the case over the greater part of this continent where Negro Slavery exists. It would not end there; but would, in all probability, extend, by its example, the war of races over all South America, including Mexico, and extending to the Indian as well as the African race, and make the whole one scene of blood and devasta


"Dismissing, then, the stale and unfounded plea of philanthropy, can it be that France and the other great continental powers-seeing what must be the result of the policy, for the accomplishment of which England is constantly exerting herself, and that the defeat of the Annexation of Texas is so important towards its consummation -are prepared to back or countenance her in her efforts to produce either? What possible motives can they have to favor her cherished policy? Is it not better for them that they should be supplied with tropical products in exchange for their labor from the United States, Brazil, Cuba, and this continent generally, than to be dependent on one great monopolizing power for their supply? Is it not better that they should receive them at the low prices which competition, cheaper means of production, and nearness of market, would furnish them by the former, than to give the high prices which monopoly, dear labor, and great distance from market, would impose? Is it not better that their labor should be exchanged with a new continent, rapidly increasing in population and capacity for consuming, and which would furnish, in the course of a few generations, a market nearer to them, and almost of unlimited extent, for the products of their industry and arts, than with old and distant regions, whose population has long since reached its growth?

"The above contains those enlarged views of policy which, it seems to me, an enlightened European statesman ought to take, in making up his opinion on the subject of the Annexation of Texas, and the grounds, as it may be inferred, on which England vainly opposes it. They certainly involve considerations of the deepest importance, and demanding the greatest attention. Viewed in connection with them, the question of Annexation becomes one of the first magnitude, not only to Texas and the United States, but to this continent and Europe. They are presented, that you may use them on all suitable occasions where you think they may be with effect, in your correspondence, where it can be done with propriety or otherwise. The President relies with confidence on your sagacity, prudence, and zeal. Your mission is one of the first magnitude at all times, but especially now; and he feels assured that nothing will be left undone on your part to do justice to the country and the Government in reference to this measure.

"I have said nothing as to our right of treaty with Texas, without consulting Mexico. You so fully understand the grounds on which we rest our right, and are so familiar with all the facts necessary to maintain them, that it was thought unnecessary to add anything in reference to it. "I am, Sir, very respectfully,

"Your obedient Servant,

"J. C. CALHOUN." "WILLIAM R. KING, Esq., &c., &c."

The election of James K. Polk as President, and George M. Dallas as Vice-President, (Nov. 1844) having virtually settled, affirmatively, the question of annexing Texas, the XXVIIIth Congress commenced its second session at Washington on the 2nd of December, 1844-Mr. John Tyler being still acting President up to the end of the Congress, March 4th following.

Dec. 19. Mr. John B. Weller, (then member from Ohio, now Senator from California) by leave, introduced a joint resolution, No. 51, providing for the annexation of Texas to the United States, which he moved to the Committee of the Whole.

Mr. E. S. Hamlin of Ohio moved a reference of said resolve to a committee of one from each State, with instructions to report to the House,

"1st. Whether Congress has any constitutional power to annex a foreign, independent nation to this Government; and if so, by what article and section of the Constitution it is conferred; whether it is among the powers expressly granted, or among those which are implied; whether it is necessary to carry into effect any expressly-granted power; and if so, which one.

"2d. Whether annexation of Texas would not extend and perpetuate Slavery in the Slave States, and also, the internal slave-trade; and whether the United States Government has any constitutional power over Slavery in the States, either to perpetuate it there, or to do it away.

3d. Whether the United States, having acknowledged the independence of Texas, Mexico is thereby deprived of her right to reconquer that province.

"4th. That they report whether Texas is owing any debts or not; and, if she is, what is the amount, and to whom payable; and whether, if she should be annexed to the United States, the United States Government would be bound to

pay them all.

5th. That they report what treaties are in existence between Texas and foreign governments; and, if she should be annexed to the United States, whether the United States Government would be bound, by the law of nations, to fulfill those treaties."

The question on commitment was insisted upon, and first taken-Yeas, 109 (Democrats); Nays, 61 (Whigs); whereupon it was held that Mr. Hamlin's amendment was defeated, and the original proposition alone


Jan. 10th, 1845. Mr. John P. Hale, N. H., (then a Democratic Representative, now a Republican Senator) proposed the following as an amendment to any act or resolve contemplating the annexation of Texas to

this Union:

"Provided, That immediately after the question of boundary between the United States of America and Mexico shall have been definitively settled by the two governments, and before any State formed out of the territory of Texas shall be admitted into the Union, the said territory of Texas shall be divided as follows, to wit: beginning at a point on the Gulf of Mexico, midway between the Northern and Southern boundaries thereof on the coast; and thence by a line running in a northwesterly direction to the extreme boundary thereof, so as to divide the same as nearly as pos sible into two equal parts, and in that portion of said territory lying south and west of the line to be run as aforesaid, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.

"And provided further, That this provision shall be considered as a compact between the people of the United States and the people of the said territory, and forever remain unalterable, unless by the consent of three-fourths of the States of the Union."

Mr. Hale asked a suspension of the rules, to enable him to offer it now, and have it printed and committed. Refused-Yeas, 92, (not two-thirds;) Nays, 81.

Yeas-All the Whigs and most of the Democrats from the Free States, with Messrs. Duncan L. Clinch and Alex. H. Stephens of Georgia, and Geo. W. Summers of Va.

Nays-- All the members from Slave States, except the above, with the following from Free States:

MAINE.-Sheppard Cary-1.

NEW-HAMPSHIRE.-Edmund Burke, Moses Norris, jr-2.

NEW YORK.-James G. Clinton, Selah B. Strong-2.

PENNSYLVANIA.-James Black, Richard Brodhead, Henry D. Foster, Joseph R. Ingersoll, Michael H. Jenks-5.

OHIO.-Joseph J. McDowell-1. INDIANA.-William J. Brown, John W. Davis, John Pettit-3.

ILLINOIS.-Orlando B. Ficklin, Joseph P. Hoge, Robert Smith-3.

Total Democrats from Free States, 17.

Dec. 12th.-Mr. C. J. Ingersoll of Pa., from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, reported a Joint Resolution for annexing Texas to the Union, which was committed and discussed in Committee of the Whole from time to time, through the next


Jan. 7th.-Mr. J. P. Hale presented resolves of the Legislature of New Hampshire, thoroughly in favor of Annexation, and silent on the subject of Slavery, except as follows:

"Resolved, That we agree with Mr. Clay, that the re-annexation of Texas will add more Free than Slave States to the Union; and that it would be unwise to refuse a permanent acquisition, which will exist as long as the globe remains, on account of a temporary institution."

Jan. 13th.-Mr. Cave Johnson of Tenn. moved that all further debate on this subject be closed at 2 P. M. on Thursday next. Carried-Yeas, 126; Nays, 57; (nearly all the Nays from Slave States).

Jan. 25th.-The debate, after an extension of time, was at length brought to a close, and the Joint Resolution taken out of Committee, and reported to the House in the following form; (that portion relating to Slavery, having been added in Committee, on motion of Mr. Milton Brown (Whig) of Tennessee:

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Resolved, by the Senate and House of Rep resentatives in Congress assembled, That Congress doth consent that the Territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to, the Republic of Texas, may be erected into a new State, to be called the State of Texas, with a republican form of government, to be adopted by the people of said republic, by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government, in order that the same may be admitted as one of the States of this Union.

"2. And be it further resolved, That the foregoing consent of Congress is given upon the following conditions, and with the following guarantees, to wit:

"First. Said State to be formed, subject to the

adjustment by this Government of all questions of boundary that may arise with other govern

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