ciety as paying members, and not as a gift. Of course, invitations to private houses can never be a right, but the annual programme of the Society might and should be a right. Therefore, a subscription has been fixed: membership will mean the payment of one guinea. But there are cases in which representative bodies come over in companies. The committee reserve the power of treating these cases in a separate and distinct way.

The programme for this, the first, season is necessarily small: the Union has been invited to dine at the Authors' Club and at Claridge's Hotel. Mr. Yoxall, M. P., has taken a party over the House of Commons, and Lord Monkswell another over the House of Lords. It will be understood that under this personal guidance visitors see a great deal more than is shown in the ordinary way. The Royal Geographical Society has invited the Union to one of its evenings. A reception has been offered at the Salon, and a garden party by the wife of the treasurer. Oxford and Cambridge are to be visited under the guidance of resident University professors. The cathedrals of Canterbury and Rochester are to be shown by the Deans. The principal of Cheltenham College invited a number of the members to witness the international cricket match between Haverford College, Philadelphia, and the boys of Cheltenham.

These things may seem small, but they are a beginning. We have great hopes that the Union will spread; that it will find plenty of work for its members-work that should be of a most pleasing and delightful kind; and that the Union may be regarded on the other side of the Atlantic simply as a body which invites American visitors to learn, by intercourse with our people, how we live, and why we have adopted our own way of living.

Speaking from my own experience, it has been my good fortune, on one or two occasions, to take a few American visitors to various parts of London, and to point out to them some of the historical associations which belong to the places we visited. It is not to be expected that Americans should have much knowledge of the history of London; but the interest taken in these perambulatory discourses is really remarkable, particularly when, as is the case with the "Players' Land," on the south of the river, or with Thames Street, on the north, there is nothing now to be seen but warehouses and quays. It is with the eye of the imagination that the past has to be restored. Yonder, on that site, there was once a tavern; there sat and sang Kit Marlowe and Massinger and Beaumont and the two Shakespeares

one of the latter lies buried in the noble church hard by. The tavern overlooks the river; as you gaze, the dome of St. Paul's over the river becomes a tower; the warehouses become gabled houses with projecting fronts; the noisy river steamer becomes a state barge; fishermen cast their nets in the stream; and the poets sit on the wooden platform, above the river, each with his cup of sack before him, a cheerful company, with the tinkle of the guitar and the lusty voice of one who sings. This company - this revival — belongs to the Americans as well as ourselves; it is their heritage as well as ours. Let the Atlantic Union do something toward restoring to them their share in the memories of the past. Whittington bought and sold in Thames Street: he entertained kings in College Street. All this was long before the Declaration of Independence. Let us revive in the minds of our American visitors the things which are theirs as well as ours, although they may have forgotten them.

But, above all, the chief aim of the Union, it must be repeated again and again, is to give visitors from the United States an opportunity of observing English manners, of studying the English mind, and of learning for themselves why we intend to adhere to the order and to the customs which seem to them incompatible with freedom and the gospel of Popular Election. WALTER BESANT.

The Forum

NOVEMBER, 1900.

WHY THE REPUBLICANS SHOULD BE ENDORSED.

"THE future is now our field; let us look to it; it opens with glorious possibilities, and invites the party of ideas to enter and possess it."'1

The battle is on. The issues of the campaign have been defined. The respective forces are being organized. The leaders have been chosen. From all parts of the country the rumble and roar of the combat are heard. All things indicate a great and decisive contest in November. The result may shape the course of public events in this country for a century to come; it may bring great material progress or severe disasters; it may increase our prestige as a world power or it may restrict the sphere of our activities.

To gain an adequate conception of the position of the Republican party in this campaign, and of its cardinal principles, it will be well to look at its record during a half century of great progress and development—a period that is rich in great achievements, and which has given us a foremost position among the powers of the world. Attention is invited to the National platforms adopted by the Republican party since its organization in 1856- especially to the course of the Republican party in the administration of the Government; and to a careful comparison of its platforms and course of action with the platforms and record of the Democratic party. Such comparisons will show (1) the foundation of the Republican faith and the fundamental principles as developed in administrative action during

'Major Wm. McKinley at Dayton, Ohio, October 18, 1887.

Copyright, 1899. by The Forum Publishing Company

Permission to republish articles is reserved.

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that long period of time; (2) that whereas our party has stood for nearly a half century upon the great principles which gave it birth, the Democratic party has always advocated a line of policy taken from the achievements of its opposition; has pursued a course of opposition, and has regulated its platforms solely by the necessities of a given election.

By reference to its National platforms for a half century, it will be seen that the Republican party has been committed to these great principles: (1) the preservation of the Union, the abolition of slavery- an element, during its existence, of incessant discord and of danger to our country; (2) the rigid maintenance of the public credit; (3) the protection of American industry as shown in every platform since the foundation of the party; (4) the establishment and maintenance of a safe, sound, and conservative financial system; (5) the development of natural resources through judicious public improvements; (6) the rescue of oppressed peoples in the islands of the sea. Thus we observe that the party has sturdily adhered to the great principles that called it into existence and have guided its destinies; and its appeal to the people at every National election has been based upon the merits of its work, its policies, and its principles.

The Democrats, on the other hand, pitching their tents in the camps vacated by the advancing column of Republicanism, have adjusted their platforms to principles already established by the Republican party. They have pursued a shifting, evasive, and utterly inconsistent policy policy of expediency to meet the demands of the solid South. Their policy has been largely sectional, and when entrusted with power their work has been adjusted accordingly.

We now come to the position of the Republican party in the pending campaign. At this writing, the candidates of all parties have been nominated; the notification speeches have been delivered; the letters of acceptance have been given to the public; the issues of the campaign have been made up, and the country is now ringing with the discussion of them. The Republican party in National Convention at Philadelphia, June, 1900, in its platform made the following declaration :

"We endorse the administration of President William McKinley. Its acts have been established in wisdom and patriotism, and at home and abroad it has distinctly elevated and extended the influence of the American Nation. Walking untried paths and facing unforeseen responsibilities, President McKinley has been in every situation a true American patriot and upright statesman, clear in vision, strong in judgment, firm in action; always inspiring and deserving the confidence of his countrymen."

This is a strong and unqualified endorsement of President McKinley and his administration. Let us subject it to the test of practical ex

A more serious and distressing situation than that which confronted the President at the very threshold of office can scarcely be imagined. The condition of the country during the four years immediately preceding his administration severely tested the patience as well as the patriotism of the people. It was a time of great distress, of stagnation in every sphere of activity. Extreme poverty and suffering overspread the land; confidence had forsaken our people; capital was lurking in secret places; industry was crippled; mills were idle; mines were closed; railroads were dormant; agriculture was prostrated; all avenues of trade and commerce were choked with the wreckage of our fallen industries; activity was paralyzed. But this was not all. From Cuba came an imploring cry for help; for quick, energetic, effective help in the name of God and humanity. And there came from Hawaii an appeal for annexation, for protection by our republic.

Firm and undismayed by this grave situation, President McKinley assumed the great burden. He at once summoned the Congress of the people to his aid in this dire emergency. Looking at the restoration of our prostrated industries, he commended to Congress the revision of our tariff laws; and he advised that the new duties be so levied as to revive and increase manufactures." With remarkable unanimity and promptness Congress addressed itself to this great work; and in the short period of four months, after mature and careful deliberation, on the 24th day of July, 1897, was passed and approved the Dingley Bill, perhaps the most comprehensive and equitable tariff law ever written in our statute books. This law quickly imparted a powerful energy to every branch of industry, trade, and commerce; and marvellous results quickly followed the restoration to normal conditions of healthful activity. Under the provisions of the Dingley law manufactures have revived and increased; agriculture has been relieved and greatly benefited; our foreign and domestic commerce has grown to a wonderful extent; mining and building industries have been greatly stimulated; labor has been rewarded with liberal wages and abundance of work. Today, work is seeking the laborer, and enforced idleness is happily a past condition.

Under the operation of the Wilson Act, from September 1, 1894,