Ohio, a-collection received through Mr. Elliott Cresson,
Otis, Mass. Congregational church, by Rev. R. Pomeroy,
Paris, Oneida county, N. Y. Baptist church, by Rev. Zelora Eaton,
Philadelphia, Second Presbyterian church,

do Union Meth. Episcopal church, by Rev. C. Pitman,

Petersburg, Episcopal church, by Rev. Dr. Syme,

Pittsburg, Third Presbyterian church, by Rev. D. H. Riddle,
Pittsgrove, Salem_county, N. J. Presbyterian church,
Portsmouth, Va. Baptist church, Rev. Mr. Hume,

do do

do

Meth. Episcopal church, by Rev. Dr. Leach,
Protestant Episcopal church, by Rev. Mr. Wingfield,
Methodist church, by Rev. L. M. Lee,

Port Republic, Va. at the church,

Prince George county, Md. in St. Paul's Parish, by Rev. Mr. Goodwin,
Salem, at church, by Dr. R. Peyton,

Silversprings, Pa. Presbyterian church, by Rev. J. Williamson,
Uniontown, Pa. Presbyterian church,

Upper Marlborough, in the Trinity church, by Rev. Mr. Swan,
Warrenton, by Rev. Wm. Williamson,

Washington, Pa. at the Presbyterian church, from D. Moore, Treasurer,
Washington county, Pa. Presbyterian church Cross Roads,
West Hanover, Pa. congregation, by Rev. J. Snodgrass,

Xenia, Ohio, Associate church, by Rev. Samuel Wilson,

do

do

do

do

Associate Reformed church, by Rev. J. Steele,

Reformed Presbyterian church, by Rev. H. M‘Millan,
Associated church at Massie's Creek, by Rev. Jas. Adams,
From the citizens of the Village, independent of the Society in
that place,

Auxiliary Societies.

Ashtabula county Society, Harvy Gaylord, Tr. by Hon. E. Whittlesey,
Green county, Ohio, Society, by James Gowdy, Treasurer,

Hinsdale, Berkshire, Mass. Society, by Rev. W. A. Hawley,

Middletown, Conn. Female Society,

Portsmouth, Virginia, Society, now dissolved,

Virgutia Society at Richmond, by B. Brand, Treasurer,

Warren, Ohio, Female Society,

Donations.

for Mrs. Spohn's do,

Clark Brice, Esq. of Donnegall Township, Lancaster county, Pa. a Legacy, from him, transmitted by his Ex'r John Clark, Esq.

Columbus, Miss. the following gentlemen $10 each, viz: Henry Dickinson, Wm. B. Winston, D. P. Lipscomb, Geo. Good, Wm. Dowsing, Wm. Neilson and Wm. H. Craven,

70

Pollock A. D. Virginia, for three gentlemen $10 each,

30

24

3

Snodgrass James Sproat, West Hanover, Pa. a Legacy paid by his Father,

10

2

20

2

5

4

An Inquiry into the merits of the American Colonization Society: and a reply to the charges brought against it. With an account of the British African Colonization Society. By Thomas Hodgkin, M. D. Svo. pp. 62: London, 1833.

THE work bearing the above title, is the testimony of an acute and candid observer to the merits of the American Colonization Society. With laudable industry the author has availed himself of all the materials within his reach, capable of affording authentic information as to the objects of the Institution, and the history of the Colony established under its auspiThe result of Dr. HODGKIN's investigation is, as might have been expected under such circumstances from so enlightened an inquirer, a judgment highly favorable to the Society and to the great cause of African Colonization.

ces.

After some interesting references to the early history of Colonization, Dr. HODGKIN proceeds to refute two of the prominent objections taken against the Society:

The preceding facts clearly prove that the colonization of the people of colour is not to be regarded, as some have urged, as a slaveholder's scheme: it cannot even be admitted, without injustice, that the patronage which the Colonization Society receives from the inhabitants of slave States, and even from the owners of slaves, is any blot upon its character, or any proof of the erroneousness of its principle. Many of the citizens of these States are to be pitied, rather than blamed, for belonging to the class of slaveholders.-They very sensibly feel the evils of slavery; but are either prevented by law from manumitting their slaves, or are opposed by difficulties which amount to a prohibition. If they liberate their blacks, and send them to a State in which slavery has been abolished, they may be congratulated by their British friends that they have washed their hands of the guilt of slavery; but, comparatively, in few instances can they console themselves with the idea that they have improved the condition of their former slaves; for, on reaching the free State, to which, at a heavy expense, they may have been conveyed, they will find themselves belonging to a class of society generally occupied in the most menial and unproductive offices, and already sufficiently numerous to render even employment of this kind not always attainable. They are, therefore, not merely in a miserable condition themselves, but they contribute to increase the misery of the class to which they belong. This is an evil which we must not wholly attribute to the distinction of colour, and the prejudice which attends Something of the same kind may be seen and felt even in this country, when a large emigration from the sister island has glutted the labour market. The philanthropic citizens of the South, who either feel or witness the difficulties in the way of manumission, may be very reasonably expected to become conspicuous as supporters of a plan calculated not only to cooperate with their own benevolence, but to re

lieve themselves: they are not, however, the sole supporters, any more than they were the sole inventors of the colonization system. This is shown by the number of auxiliary societies existing in the free States, and by the sums of money which these societies, and individuals in the same States, have contributed to the support of African colonization.— Some of those individuals, whose personal exertions have been among the most important elements of the Society's success, have been citizens of these States.

It has been objected by the enemies of the Colonization Society, that it has been exhibited to the friends of humanity in this country under a false character, very different from that which it possesses in America;-that whilst it is advocated, on this side the Atlantic, as the means of benefiting the blacks, and promoting the ultimate extinction of slavery, no such idea is expressed in its fundamental principle; but that, on the contrary, it advocates an opposite doctrine.

In support of the first assertion, they quote, from the minutes of the formation of the Society, the declaration, that "its single object is the colonization of the free people of colour, with their consent, in Africa, or such other place as Congress may deem most expedient." I conceive that the founders of the Society are entitled to praise, rather than censure, for having given so brief, and, at the same time, so comprehensive a definition of their object. It sets forth explicitly abundant work for any Society to undertake, without advancing any thing which can come in collision with the expressed or even secret opinions of any parties or individuals, unless it be of those who believe that the well-being of the blacks will be promoted in proportion to the increase of their numbers within the States a doctrine which appears to have originated since the formation of the Colonization Society. The fundamental principle of the Colonization Society may be compared with that of the Bible Society, when it avows its object to be the diffusion of the pure text of the Old and New Testaments, without note or comment-an object to which none could be opposed who were not hostile to the Bible. It cannot, however, be supposed that the supporters of the Bible Society merely contemplated the scattering of Bibles and Testaments, from which no other effect was to proceed than the mere occupation of space: they looked forward to their becoming the powerful agents of an enlightening and moralizing influence. But if we interrogate the members of that Society individually, we shall probably find, that, besides the one object in which they all cordially unite, there are other inducements, differing in each, and which could not be brought forward without their again becoming, as they already too often have done, the subjects of schismatic convulsion and violent dispute. If, however, we wish to gain information respecting the results which the Colonization Society is supposed to regard as rendering its avowed object desirable, we cannot look to a better quarter for information than to the publications of the Society itself. In fact, we have our opponents' example in support of this measure; since, although they admit no good which cannot be found distinctly indicated in the brief declaration of its object which I have before quoted, they have been very industrious in selecting causes of complaint founded on detached portions of addresses and speeches, some of which must be admitted as blemishes; while others lose their apparent deformity, when viewed in conjunction with the parts to which they belong. I shall therefore cite some passages which indicate the feelings and objects either of the Colonization Society collectively, or of individuals of acknowledged weight and influence in it.

Their principal motive appears to have been to benefit the coloured population; and more especially that portion of it, which, though not literally loaded with servile chains, is nevertheless suffering from the pains of slavery, and, with but few exceptions, reduced to a miserable and degraded rank in society, and for whose assistance many comparatively unsuccessful efforts had previously been made. At the same time, the founders of the Society were fully sensible that the baneful influence of slavery was by no means limited to these objects of their care, but that it was also generally felt by the great mass of the white population. There was, therefore, a combined motive of benevolence and self-interest: but I think we must do the projectors of the Colonization Society the justice to admit, that benevolence was their primary and principal motive: whilst the latter was rather prospective, and urged in support of their claims on the co-operation of their fellow-citizens in carrying their objects into effect.-p. 5–7.

The views presented in the foregoing extracts, are sustained by a series of citations made from the publications of the Society, and showing that the objects avowed by it, at its origin, have been adhered to at every stage of its progress. By a similar process our author shows the zeal, consistency and efficiency of the Society, in its endeavours to prostrate that curse of humanity-the African slave trade. He then examines an objection to the Society, on which great stress has been laid by its opponents, in both this country and Great Britain:

It has been represented in this country, that the American Colonization Society aims at nothing less than the banishment of the free people of colour from the United States; although this is disclaimed and disproved, as I shall hereafter make evident. The Socie

nom te state-those of Maryland, forbidding any tree black to settie in making it unlawful for free blacks to attend any meetings for religious the preacher be white-"all these proscriptive measures," says Lloyd others less conspicuous, but equally oppressive, which are not only flagr the Constitution of the United States, but in the highest degree disgracef are resorted to (to borrow the language of the Secretary, in his Fifteenth for the more complete accomplishment of the great objects of the Colonization fess I was amazed at this quotation; and anxiously turned to the Report, afforded any explanation of such extraordinary language. Neither the wo nor any paraphrase of them, is to be found in that Report; but in a short fixed to it, I find the words pointed out by Lloyd Garrison, as a quotati having the most distant connection with the obnoxious Acts which Lloy merates; those Acts not being even mentioned or hinted at. I will not a to this mode of employing a quotation; but I must beg the reader to kee in mind, when he may meet with other quotations which appear to be the principles and practice of the Society. The Colonization Society, so an accessory, or in any manner concerned with the passing of the oppress mentioned, has distinctly reprobated them, in its publications. Its adve even the semblance of foundation for the charge. The accusation of Will rison offers a striking parallel to that which the Wolf is fabled to have m Lamb. The Acts alluded to were, in part, passed before the existence tion Society; and with regard to others, its position is below them in the s whilst it endeavours to relieve these who are the victims of their opera cause of the passing of the oppressive Acts in question, and others of a si is, I conceive, to be traced, as a natural and lamentable consequence, system of slavery itself. The bond and the free will inevitably be struggl other with mutual aggressions; and the utmost caution and prudence are part of those who are labouring in the good work of destroying that sys mean time, they should so excite the feelings of both parties, as to multip sions, by which the weaker will, of course, be the greater sufferers.-p. 1 The exposure made in the foregoing passage of Mr. Garriso sentation of the Colonization Society, is not the only instance sial dishonesty which Dr. Hodgkin brings home to that "The following passage," says Dr. H. "is ascribed to the rev nization in the Christian Spectator for September, 1830:"—

"For the existence of slavery in the United States, those, and those only ble who bore a part in originating such a constitution of society. The B explicit prohibition of slavery. There is neither chapter nor verse of Ho lends any countenance to the fulminating spirit of universal emancipation exhibitions may be seen in some of the newspapers." p. 63. But it is rep number of the same Journal: "Now we utterly deny and abjure the aut a paragraph. The fact is, that these three sentences, thus strung togethe meaning which they necessarily convey to the reader, whose first sight of connection, never before appeared in the Christian Spectator. It is tr each one of the three sentences, which Mr. Garrison has thus arranged a train of thought, does actually occur in the article referred to; but they oc nections, and are applied, in the course of the argument, to such uses as n rially modify their meaning in the mind of every candid reader. The was marked as emphatic; and our object was, as appears from the very conceding to the advocates of slavery the matter of a favourite plea i throw upon the consciences of the present generation of citizens in th States the responsibility of reforming this constitution of society, or of co transmitting it, with all its curses, to posterity. We did indeed say, in and

Shibition of cle

to some of his purposes:-'It (the Bible) recognises, both in the Old Testament and the New, the existence of such a constitution of Society; and it lends its authority to enforce the mutual obligations resulting from that constitution.' But what else said we of the relations of Christianity to slavery? How far did we permit our concessions to be carried? Did we go the whole' in defence of slavery, as, in our author's manner of quotation, we seem to have done? The advocates of slavery,' we said, 'take it for granted, that because Christianity recognises such a state of society, and enforces the mutual duties arising therefrom, it sanctions slavery itself: this is a great and palpable error. The New Testament contains no express prohibition of polygamy. Is polygamy therefore consistent with Christianity? Christianity is always the antagonist principle of slavery.' Is Mr. Garrison's quotation an impartial exhibition of our doctrine?" Those who denounce the Colonization Society on account of the concessions which it has made to the feelings and prejudices of slaveholders, should recollect that our own most ardent and devoted advocates for the cause of the blacks adopted precisely the same policy. Neither Wilberforce nor Clarkson, complicated their strenuous and ultimately triumphant efforts for the abolition of the slave trade with the question of the abolition of slavery; and even those who have recently been the most powerful advocates of immediate and universal emancipation once admitted the expediency of a more gradual course. I wish they would call to mind their own past experience; and encourage their brethren, the philanthropists of America, in the good which they are already doing, rather than attempt to crush them; because, for the present, they are opposed by difficulties which prevent their effecting more. -p. 22-23.

Again: The late lamented Mr. CALDWELL, in one of his Colonization speeches, held the following language concerning the coloured population of the United States:

"The more you improve the condition of the people-the more you cultivate their minds-the more miserable you make them, in their present state: you give them a higher relish for those privileges which they cannot attain, and turn what you intend for a blessing into a curse. No; if they remain in their present situation, keep them in the lowest state of ignorance and degradation. The nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes, the better chance do you give them of possessing their apathy. Surely Americans ought to be the last people on earth to advocate such slavish doctrines; to cry 'peace and contentment' to those who are deprived of the privileges of civil liberty! They who have so largely partaken of its blessings, who know so well how to estimate its value, ought to be among the foremost to extend it to others."

The latter part of this paragraph has been most unfairly suppressed, and the former adduced, by W. L. Garrison, in order to convict that benevolent individual of a "monstrous sentiment," and to prove that "the American Colonization Society advocates, and to a great extent perpetuates, the ignorance and degradation of the coloured population of the United States."-p. 31.

Dr. HODGKIN might, had he been so pleased, have constituted a pamphlet larger than his present work, entirely out of instances of falsification, on the part of Mr. GARRISON and his associates, similar to those which he has exposed. But these are amply sufficient to show that any degree of consideration with which Mr. G. has been or may hereafter be treated by his antagonists, must proceed from respect, not to him, but to themselves. Faithful, however, to his amiable motto, "cupio me esse clementem," Dr. HODG KIN contents himself with merely exhibiting Mr. Garrison's fraudulent practices, leaving the reader to give them the reprehension which they deserve at the hand of every honest man. The merits and demerits of a cause are one thing,-the mode of defending it is another. Were the Colonization Society as nefarious an association as Mr. G. avows it to be, it would nevertheless be entitled to justice at his hands. It is his obvious duty, in quoting from its publications, to quote fairly; and by trampling on this obvious duty as he habitually does, he only prompts the public mind to transfer to himself the reprobation which he has attempted to fix on the objects of his calumny. His misrepresentations of the kind alluded to, have had the effect natural to a course at once weak and wicked-that of producing a general distrust of all his statements. An impartial man no more thinks now of resorting to Mr. G.'s writings for information about the Colonization Society, than he would to an almanac to ascertain the changes of the weather.