orders given by me to General Filisola, my second in command, to retire from the river Brassos, where he was posted, to the other side of the river Bravo del Norte. It As there was no doubt that General Fili-ola would religiously comply, as far as concerned himself, the President and cabinet agreed that I should set off for Mexico, in order to fulfil the other engagements; and, with that intent, I embarked on board the schooner Invincible, which was to carry me to the port of Vera Cruz. Unfortunately, however, some indiscreet persons raised a mob, which obliged the authorities to have me landed by force, and brought back into strict captivity. This incident has prevented me from going to Mexico, where I should otherwise have arrived early in last month; and, in consequence of it, the Government of that country, doubtless ignorant of what has occurred, has withdrawn the command of the array from General Filisola, and has ordered his successor, General Urrea, to continue its operations. In obedience to which order, that general is, according to the latest accounts, already at the river Nueces. In vain have some reflecting and worthy men endeavored to demonstrate the necessity of moderation, and of my going to Mexico, according to the convention; but the excitement of the public mind has increased with the return of the Mexican army to Texas. Such is the state of things here at present. The continuation of the war, and of its disasters, is therefore inevitable, unless the voice of reason be heard, in proper time, from the mouth of some powerful individual. appears to me that you, sir, have it in your power to perform this good office, by interfering in favor of the execution of the said convention, which shall be strictly fulfilled on my part. When I offered to treat with this Government, I was convinced that it was useless for Mexico to continue the war. I have acquired exact information respecting this country, which I did not possess four months ago. I have too much zeal for the interests of my country to wish for any thing which is not compatible with them. Being always ready to sacrifice myself for its glory and advantage, I never would have hesitated to subject myself to torments or death, rather than consent to any compromise, if Mexico could thereby have obtained the slightest benefit. I am firmly con vinced that it is proper to terminate this question by political negotiation: that conviction alone determined me sincerely to agree to what has been stipulated; and, in the same spirit, I make to you this frank declaration. Be pleased, sir, to favor me by a like confidence on your part; afford me the satisfaction of avoiding approaching evils, and of contributing to that good which my heart advises. Let us enter into negotiations by which the friendship between your nation and the Mex ican may be strengthened, both being amicably engaged in giving being and stability to a people who are desirous of appearing in the political world; and who, under the protection of the two nations, will attain its object within a few years. The Mexicans are magnanimous, when treated with consideration. I will clearly set before them the proper and humane reasons which require noble and frank conduct on their part, and I doubt not that they will act thus as soon as they have been convinced. By what I have here submitted, you will see the sentiments which animate me; and with which I remain your most humble and obedient servant, ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA. To his Excellency General ANDREW JACKSON, President of the United States of America. The President of the United States to the President of the Mexican Republic. HERMITAGE, September 4, 1836. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of [SENATE. your letter of the 4th of July last, which has been forwarded to me by General Samuel Houston, under cover of one from him, transmitted by an express from General Gaines, who is in command of the United States forces on the Texian frontier. The great object of these communications appears to be to put an end to the disasters which necessarily attend the civil war now raging in Texas, and asking the interposition of the United States in furthering so humane and desirable a purpose. That any well-intended effort of yours in aid of this object should have been defeated, is calculated to excite the regret of all who justly appreciate the blessings of peace, and who take an interest in the causes which contribute to the prosperity of Mexico, in her domestic as well as her foreign relations. The Government of the United States is ever anxious to cultivate peace and friendship with all nations. But it proceeds on the principle that all nations have the right to alter, amend, or change, their own Government, as the sovereign power, the people, may direct. In this respect, it never interferes with the policy of other Powers, nor can it permit any on the part of others with its internal policy. Consistently with this principle, whatever we can do to restore peace between contending nations, or remove the causes of misunderstanding, is cheerfully at the service of those who are willing to rely upon our good offices as a friend or mediator. In reference, however, to the agreemeent which you, as the representative of Mexico, have made with Texas, and which invites the interposition of the United States, you will at once see that we are forbidden, by the character of the communications made to us through the Mexican minister, from considering it. That Government has notified us that, as long as you are a prisoner, no act of yours will be regarded as binding by the Mexican authorities. Under these circumstances, it will be manifest to you that good faith to Mexico, as well as the general principle to which I have adverted, as forming the basis of our intercourse with all foreign Powers, make it impossible for me to take any step like that you have anticipated. If, however, Mexico should signify her willingness to avail herself of our good offices in bringing about the desirable result you have described, nothing could give me more pleasure than to devote my best services to it. To be instrumental in terminating the evils of civil war, and in substituting in their stead the blessings of peace, is a divine privilege. Every Government, and the people of all countries, should feel it their highest happiness to enjoy an opportunity of thus manifesting their love of each other, and their interterest in the general principles which apply to them all as members of the common family of man. Your letter, and that of General Houston, commanderin-chief of the Texian army, will be made the basis of an early interview with the Mexican minister at Washington. They will hasten my return to Washington, to which place I will set out in a few days, expecting to reach it by the 1st of October. In the mean time, I hope Mexico and Texas, feeling that war is the greatest of calamities, will pause before another compaign is undertaken, and can add to the number of those scenes of bloodshed which have already marked the progress of their contest, and have given so much pain to their Christian friends throughout the world. This is sent under cover to General Houston, who will give it a safe conveyance to you. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, To Gen. ANTONIO LOPEZ DE SANTA ANNA. The message and documents having been read, Mr. PRESTON rose and said it would strike the Senate at once that since the date of the letter written by SENATE.] Texas. [JAN. 20, 1837. It would be recollected that the President, in his message, shortly after the commencement of the session, placed the condition of the recognition of the independence of Texas on the success or failure of the expedi tion then set on foot by Mexico, and which was about Santa Anna, his situation had been very much changed. On the 4th of July last he was a prisoner in the hands of the Texians, but had been subsequently released, and was now in the city of Washington. According to the terms and purport of the correspondence, it would appear that it was carried on whilst Santa Anna was a pris-entering the Texian territory. One of the alternatives oner. contemplated by the President had taken place; so that, according to the views clearly expressed in his message, there was now no longer cause for delaying to acknowledge the independence of Texas. Mr. W. here read a letter addressed by him to a highly respectable individual lately arrived from Vera Cruz, whose name he said it would be improper to make pub. lic, though the letter was at the service of any of the members of the Senate who desired to see it, making inquiries respecting the contemplated invasion of Texas, with the gentleman's reply. From this letter it appeared that the idea of subjugating Texas was not entertained by any intelligent man in Mexico; that the in The President of the United States, aware of that fact, had expressed himself as being unable, in con. sequence, to enter into any negotiation with him while so situated. But now, as he (Mr. P.) had just stated, Santa Anna was in this city, and could negotiate on the subject up to April next; but whether he would or would not, he (Mr. P.) could not say; nor was it very material to the purpose Mr. P. had in hand. There was a resolution in relation to Texas offered a few days ago by the honorable Senator from Mississippi, and which had been made the order of the day for to-day; what disposition he wished to make of it he was not aware. It was a matter for the gentleman's discretion. The corre spondence which had been laid before the Senate, how-vading army was broken up, the small remnant of it beever, would not, in his (Mr. P's) opinion, render it necessary to change the language of the resolution. Concurring, as he did, with that resolution, he would now say that he was prepared to establish the fact, that upon the recognised principles of national law, the practice | of this Government, and the policy of the country, she ought, as was her duty, to make a prompt, speedy, and absolute recognition of the independence of Texas. He hoped, at the proper time, to be able to prove this. He insisted that her independence should be immediately acknowledged, and that, too, without any regard to what might be said or done by Santa Anna, for his authority had ceased in Texas forever. After having heard read the present and the other message of the President in relation to this subject, it was not his desire that any thing should be done here in reference to it, that would have the effect of contravening, running counter to, or obstructing, any purpose of the Execu tive of the United States. He (Mr. P.) had understood that the President, when he sent his former message, had submitted this matter to Congress for their consideration, being willing to carry into effect what they might deem right and proper; but there were, at that time, some difficulties in the way, which prevented his recommending the adoption of any legislation on the subject. It seemed to him (said Mr. P.) that had the President of the United States not been aware of the fact that another expedition under General Bravo was about to invade Texas, he would not have hesitated to recommend to Congress to do something in reference to settling the war between Texas and Mexico. Mr. P. adverted to the circumstances connected with the failure of the expedition under General Bravo, and then concluded with saying that all he desired was that Congress should proceed as early as possible to discuss the question of immediately acknowledging the independence of Texas. She was entitled to it; she had a right to demand it of the United States, and the sooner it was granted the better. He would await the action of the bonorable Senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. DAVIS,] as well as the consideration of the resolution of the Senator from Mississippi, when he would have something further to say on the subject. Mr. WALKER, without intending to enter into any discussion at this time, wished to state some information he possessed previous to the Senate acting on it, because he considered the question of the recognition of the independence of Texas as having no connexion with any thing that General Santa Anna might now do. He considered the claim of Texas to be founded as well on the settled policy of this Government, as on the laws of nations, and that it ought to be decided on its own merits. ing without provisions or supplies of any kind, and that the Mexican General Bravo had resigned his command in consequence of not having been furnished by his Gov. ernment with the means of opening the campaign. The gentleman further gives it as his opinion that the campaign never will open, as it is as much as Mexico can do to keep the discontented portion of her own citizens quiet, several insurrections having broken out which were suppressed not without difficulty. Mr. W. continued, that the President, in the message alluded to, distinctly asserted that he considered that the recognition of the independence of Texas depended on the success or failure of the threatened invasion. Now, said Mr. W., the invading army being broken up and dispersed, and its commander having resigned, it would be perfectly obvious that the recognition of the independ ence of Texas would be in accordance with the views of the President, thus clearly expressed. He would say nothing further now, than to repeat the hope, that whatever was done by this Government might be done unconnected with General Santa Anna in any way what ever. Mr. CALHOUN said he had always entertained the opinion that the people of Texas could never live under the Mexican Government in peace and happiness. He had thought, too, that it was our duty, at the earliest period practicable, to recognise the independence of Texas. He felt certain, from the events which had occurred in that country, that unless a speedy stop was put to what was going on there, the Rio del Norte would not be made the boundary of Texas. She would shake the Mexican empire to its very centre, if the controversy existing between her and Mexico should not instantly cease. He was ready to acknowledge her independence; and the sooner that was done the better. The message and documents were then laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. The Senate then took up several private bills, which were considered as in Committee of the whole, and ordered to a third reading; when The Senate adjourned. FRIDAY, JANUARY 20. The bills which were yesterday considered as in Committee of the Whole, and ordered to a third reading, were to-day read a third time, and passed. Among them, the bill to authorize the relinquishment of the 16th sections for the use of schools, and the entry of other lands in lieu thereof, in quarter sections, and in any part of the respective States, was passed by the following vote-the yeas and nays having been ordered on the call of Mr. EWING, of Obio: YEAS--Messrs. Benton, Black, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Dana, Ewing of Illinois, Fulton, Grundy, Hendricks, Hubbard, King of Alabama, Linn, Moore, Morris, Nicholas, Niles, Rives, Robinson, Sevier, Tallmadge, Tipton, Walker, White, Wright-24. [SENATE. Mr. MOORE spoke in favor of recommitting, and expressed the hope that some such measure would be adopted as was proposed by the original bill, (of Mr. MORRIS.) Mr. BENTON asked Mr. EWING to point out the NAYS--Messrs. Brown, Calhoun, Clay, Clayton, Ew-places in the bill where a camel could go through. He ing of Ohio, Knight, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Rug-intimated that the design was to delay the bill. For himgles, Strange, Swift-12. self, he wished to proceed with the bill, and obtain all he could get. Mr. EWING moved to take up the bili designating and limiting the funds receivable by the United States; which motion, after a brief discussion, was decided in the negative. THE PUBLIC LANDS. On motion of Mr. WALKER, the previous orders were postponed, and the Senate proceeded to the further consideration of the bill prohibiting the sales of the public lands except to actual settlers, and in limited quantities. The question being on a motion of Mr. CLAY to reconsider Mr. MORRIS's amendment, requiring that land which had been ten years in the market should be sold at 75 cents; less than ten, and more than five years, at $1; and all other lands at $1 25 per acre- Mr. EWING, of Ohio, said it would give him much pleasure to point out those places on Monday. Mr. WALKER'S motion having been withdrawn, or suspended, he moved to alter the amount of land cultivated by a settler, by making it one tenth, instead of one eighth, of the whole; which motion prevailed. Mr. CLAY made some inquiries as to the bearing of the bill on such lands as might be used for grazing, and } not for cultivation. Mr. WALKER replied that a provision in the bill which authorized an entry of the land, after a residence of three years, was designed to supply this apparent deficiency. Mr. WALKER moved to amend the bill by requiring one year's residence instead of three. Mr. CLAY said he had two reasons for moving this reconsideration. One was the avowed embarrassment Mr. GRUNDY objected to this motion. It would serve under which it had placed several gentlemen. The other to defeat one of the great objects of the bill; for if one related to himself, being under a mistake as to the im-year only should be required, it would become a business port of the amendment. The motion to reconsider was carried in the affirmative: Ayes 19, noes 14. Mr. MORRIS's amendment being now before the Senate, Mr. CLAY called for the yeas and nays on the question; which were ordered. Mr. MORRIS, on the suggestion of Mr. BENTON, added to his amendment the provise, that no person should enter more than a quarter section at a reduced price. The question was then taken on the amendment of Mr. MORRIS, and decided as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Benton, Black, Clayton, Ewing of Il Jinois, Fulton, Grundy, Hendricks, King of Alabama, Linn, Moore, Morris, Nicholas, Rives, Robinson, Sevier, Tipton, Walker, White-18. NAYS--Messrs. Brown, Buchanan, Calhoun, Clay, Crittenden, Dana, Ewing of Ohio, Hubbard, Kent, Niles, Page, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Strange, Swift, Tallmadge, Tomlinson, Wright--19. So the amendment to the amendment, or substitute, was lost. Mr. WALKER observed that a very important prin ciple had been stricken from the bill, and moved that it be recommitted to the Committee on the Public Lands. Mr. GRUNDY said he did not see why this should be done. The bill, by the failure of the amendment, was left in the same form as when it came from the commit tee. Mr. WALKER said he foresaw that the bill, in its present form, would fail; and he thought it of the utmost importance that some such measure should be carried, for the purpose of reducing the public revenue; and he regarded such a measure as the only one which could be adopted to prevent the accumulation of a dangerous surplus. Mr. KING, of Alabama, opposed the recommitment. If the graduating principle should not be introduced, he hoped his friends would not reject the bill on that account. He hoped the Senate would go on with the bill. Mr. EWING was in favor of the recommitment. The bill in its present form would not only not stop fleas, but camels would go through it. Mr. E. had thought of a project which he believed would effect the objects in view. He would endeavor to prepare it by Monday, and hoped for the opportunity of presenting it. VOL. XIII.-34 to procure portions of the public land successively, by means of one year's residence on each. He was, however, willing to vote for two years. Mr. TIPTON declared himself opposed to the form of this bill, and in favor of the original one by Mr. MORRIS. If the graduating principle which had been lost should not be embraced, several States would derive no benefit from the bill. If be could not get that principle, he should go to defeat the bill. Messrs. MOORE and SEVIER also declared their determination to do so; the latter urging, at some length, the passage of a proper bill on this subject. After some further remarks by Messrs. WALKER, NILES, BLACK, and MORRIS, the action on the bill was suspended by consent, and several bills from the House were read twice and referred. The Senate then adjourned. SATURDAY, JANUARY 21. After reading the journal, Mr. MORRIS rose and said that he begged the indulgence of the Senate to make a short statement respecting an article which had appeared in one of the city papers this morning. It might be considered by gentleinen as partaking more of a private than a public na. ture, and one with which he ought not to trouble the Senate; and could he consider the paragraph as intended, or even bearing on its face a mere private individual allusion to himself, he would not thus publicly notice it; but it went further; it was a comment, in severe terms, to say the least, on his conduct as a Senator, and that, too, by a citizen of his own State; and, as such, it required of him an explanation. The charge is (said Mr. M.) that he had neglected the just rights of one of his fellow-citizens, and refused, as his representative, to present his memorial to the Senate, and thus had treated him with disrespect. It is due, then, (said Mr. M.,) to the citizens of the State, it is due to myself, that this publication should not pass without notice. It will be found in the Intelligencer of this morning, in the following words. [Here Mr. M. read the communication referred to.] It is true, sir, (said Mr. M.,) that, on yesterday morn ing, after the time for the presentation of petitions and SENATE.] William B. Lloyd. memorials had elapsed, and the Chair had called for reports of standing committees, one of the young gentle. men who attend the Senate came to his seat and handed him a paper, which he found to be a memorial, and which he believed was correctly published in the Intelligencer of this morning; and with the memorial he also received a note, of which the following is a copy: "DEAR SIR: As a friend, I ask you to present the accompanying memorial to the Senate. As one of your constituents, I demand it. "Yours, with the highest respect, "WM. B. LLOYD. He said that after he had endorsed the name on the note, it occurred to him as proper to keep the paper and send back the memorial only. He immediately sought an interview with the person who sent the memorial, with an intention of handing it back himself; and for this purpose he went to both doors of the Senate chamber, but was unable to meet with him at either. He returned to his seat; and soon after one of the young men came to him and informed him the gentleman was in the antechamber. He then handed the young man the paper, to return it to the author. He said, had time been afforded him for examination of the memorial, he might or might not have presented it, as justice and propriety should seem to require. He acknowledged that it was not only his duty, but a pleasure, when requested so to do, to present memorials or petitions on all or any subjects within the power or control of the Senate, and which were in proper language, not only for the citizens of Ohio, but also from citizens residing in any part of the United States. Whether the memorial in question was or was not of that character, the hasty manner with which he perused it did not enable him to determine, nor did he wish to be understood as expressing any opinion on that point; and while he considered the note of the gentleman as containing some biting sarcasms, of which he did not complain, it also contained a kind of left-handed compliment for the humble part which he took in the transaction to which the memorial referred. What transpired then is well known, and need not be repeated. As to the part he took, and the observations he made, they had been correctly, or at least substantially, reported in the National Intelligencer. The impression made on his mind at the time the proceedings respecting the memorialist took place, he probably could not, nor did he wish to make an attempt to describe. He said he was hastily led to make the remarks be did, because he thought the proceedings of the Senate, with regard to the individuals who created the disturbance in the gallery, were wrong; but whether right or wrong, not himself, but aftertime, must determine; for himself, he said he had as yet seen no cause to change his opinions as expressed at the time; and he would further state that, while the proceedings in the Senate were going on, after the person was arrested, he was entirely ignorant who he was, or of what State he was a citizen. Near the close, and but a minute or two before the Senate adjourned, he was informed by some gentle. [JAN. 21, 1837. men that the person was from Ohio; he inquired his name, and was told it was Lloyd; he then had a recollection of having seen him some days before, and had understood from Mr. Lloyd that his business in the city was to endeavor to obtain the passage of an act of Congress making an appropriation to improve the harbor at Cleveland, by the erection of a sea wall. He said his efforts, be they what they may, were not made in defence of a friend, or in opposition to an enemy; he should have made the same efforts had he known the individual to have been both a personal and political opponent; he merely intended to discharge his duty as a Senator, in sustaining what he believed to be the rights of an American citizen. Sir, (said Mr. M.,) I think I understand this publication; it is intended to go to the State in which I live, and I have troubled the Senate with this explanation, that it may immediately follow, and that my conduct, in this particular, may be correctly understood. He said, so far as in him lay, no citizen of Ohio, or of any other State, should have it in his power to misrepresent his course in the Senate. He said the peremptory language contained in the gentleman's note he considered as the mere effect of excitement, and, as such, could readily be excused; he said it was but buman nature to do and say things in excited moments which we would gladly alter or amend on future reflection; he said he had no idea that the language used was intended as any personal disrespect to himself; when he read the note, he thought it would be better to see and converse with the person as to the propriety of the course to be pursued; but he denied that he had, in this case, been either negligent or unmindful of his duty; at least, he had the approval of his own judgment, and should under like circumstances pursue a like course. It was very strange, indeed, that Mr. Lloyd should complain, when his instruction was to return him the memorial immediately, if it was not presented; and it is still more strange when, in his publication, he says that he might procure the presentation of it through other members of the body who were his friends; and the very reason he assigns for not applying to some one of them, is a reason why he ought so to have applied. There is no doubt he can obtain the presentation of his memorial through some member of the Senate, if he yet desires it, or if he ever did desire it. Should he fail to make a further request, the citizens of our own State will be able to draw correct conclusions. Mr. BENTON said Mr. M. was correct in regard to every thing on which he had offered an explanation. That Senator had said it was not his fault that the arrest was made, and that the person arrested was brought to the bar of the Senate. Mr. B. now wished to show that it was not his own fault that the memorial was not presented, referred, and considered. He had been aware that a consultation was going on, and that some movement was intended; and, without the least reference to the terms of the memorial which he supposed would be presented, he resolved that, so far as he was concerned, it should have its full force. He had therefore drawn up a motion, which he intended to make whenever the memorial should be presented, that the memorial should be sent to the Judiciary Committee, with power to send for witnesses, and to report to the Senate the proper course of proceeding; and that the expenses should be paid from the contingent fund of the Senate. This motion he had shown to various Senators; and his friends had been kind enough to say that it should be done. If any gentleman would do him the favor to present the memorial, he would vote for its reference. He hoped there would thus be an occasion of giving to the public, in an authentic form, the details of the outrage. He asked for the presentation of the memorial. [Here the subject ended.] JAN. 23, 1837.] Foreign Emigrants-Treasury Circular, &c. FOREIGN EMIGRANTS. Mr. CLAY presented the petition of sundry inhabitants of Wirtsborough, Sullivan county, New York, and, as it was not long, he asked that it might be read. The document was accordingly read, and proved to be a kind of remonstrance, on the subject of Roman Catholic emigrants to the country, brought in under the auspices of Popes, Cardinals, Bishops, &c. It insisted on the impropriety and inexpediency of allowing so many persons to enter the country whose practice and tenets were avowedly and directly hostile to our republican institutions, and especially prayed Congress to institute commissions, in various parts of the country, to procure information and report on the subject. Mr. CLAY said some of the objects prayed for this Government had no power to grant, however alarming to these good and religious people the evils complained of and the progress of papacy might be. But there was one object which Mr. C. thought might be a proper subject of inquiry, being within the power of Congress; and that was a change in our laws of naturalization. He therefore moved that the memorial be referred to the Judiciary Committee; and it was so referred. THE TREASURY CIRCULAR. [SENATE. another committee, and to a committee, too, of which Mr. B. was a member? How would this thing tell in the newspapers, that the gentleman who moved to make these inquiries should proceed to make them himself? Mr. KING, of Alabama, said this resolution passed without attracting his attention, or else he would have opposed its passage. If it was intended to impede the action of the committee, it would have done so effectually. And if there was a real intention of obtaining the information called for, it could not be obtained during the session. He could see no practical good to result from its reference now to the Finance Committee. He therefore called for a division of the question, and that the motion for a simple discharge should first be tried. The gentleman might then make such disposition as he thought proper of his resolution. Mr. EWING said the subject of the resolution proper. ly and exclusively belonged to the Finance Committee. He also had known nothing of the resolution since it was first laid on the table till this morning. He thought it better to divide the question, and leave the resolution in the hands of the mover. The question was then taken on discharging the committee, and carried in the affirmative. Mr. BENTON said he would here state to the whole Senate that he desired his resolution to be referred to Mr. WALKER, from the Committee on the Public the committee of which lie was a member. It was acLands, to whom the motion of Mr. BENTON for an inqui-cordingly referred to the Finance Committee. ry into the conduct of the deposite banks, &c. was referred, moved that the above committee be discharged from the further consideration of said motion, and that it be referred to the Committee on Finance.. Mr. BENTON said he thought it a grand joke that thee or four days after a bill had been brought in by the Committee on the Public Lands, on the subject with which his motion was connected, after the occasion for which that motion was presented had entirely gone by, the gentleman should now propose to have the examination proposed by the motion, and by another committee. He thought the Land Committee ought to have acted on the motion, or turned over the whole subject to another committee. Mr. WALKER said that, inasmuch as the Committee on the Public Lands had been arraigned before the Senate by the mover of that resolution, ["motion," he hoped he would be pardoned for giving the reasons for discharging the Committee on the Public Lands. That resolution was not transmitted to the committee till some time after the committee had commenced considering the subject of the Treasury order; or, at least, it had not come simultaneously with the Treasury order to the committee. It was, moreover, the opinion of the committee, that if they proceeded to act on the matter of the resolution, [Mr. BENTON'S,] there could be no action by Congress this session, on the subject of the Treasury order; and it was the desire of every member of the committee that such action should be had. would have consumed the time of the committee for months, and it would even have been necessary to carry the required examination into the recess of Congress. Mr. W. said that, although he had assented to the reference of the subject of the Treasury order to the Committee on the Public Lands, he had done so with the ut most reluctance. Mr. BENTON said the subject of the Treasury order was referred to the Land Committee late on the evening of the 11th inst., and his resolution was sent to that committee as early as it could be on the morning of the 12th. That resolution had also been laid on the table at the very commencement of the proceedings on the Treasury order, so that every one might see it. But if there was not then time to carry that resolution into effect, why, at this late day, was it proposed to refer it to PUBLIC LANDS. The Senate then proceeded to the special order of the day, which was the land bill, as amended by the Committee on the Public Lands. The question being on so amending the bill as to require a residence by the settler of but one year to get a title to his land, it was negatived: Yeas 12, nays 23. Mr. GRUNDY then proposed to substitute a residence of two years. The motion was supported by Messrs. WALKER, KING of Alabama, LINN, and TIPTON, and opposed by Mr. EWING, as being wholly inefficient to the object proposed. Mr. E. stated that he had a different proposition to offer, which, as he supposed, would secure the object of confining the sale of public lands to actual settlers, and which he sent to the table to be printed. The printing was ordered; but the question being, in the mean while, taken on the amendment proposed by Mr. GRUNDY, it was carried: Yeas 27, nays 11. Mr. BENTON gave notice of an amendment he should hereafter offer; which was ordered to be printed. Mr. WALKER, from the Land Committee, proposed sundry minor amendments, not touching the general principle of the bill. The whole of the various amendments were directed to be imbodied, and printed all together, in their order; when the further consideration of the bill was made the order of the day for Monday next. After transacting some other business, The Senate adjourned. MONDAY, JANUARY 23. PUBLIC LANDS. After going through the usual morning business, The Senate proceeded to the special order of the day, which was the bill to confine the sale of the public land to actual settlers only. Mr. WALKER, chairman of the Committee on the Public Lands, who has charge of the bill, expressed his approbation of an amendment offered on Saturday by Mr. EWING, and which provides that land entered, and forfeited, by non-residence, under the bill, might be en❘tered by others who shall prove the fact of such non-residence by the first occupant, and proposed to modify it by a provision that, when two or more persons should so |