SENATE.]

Reduction of the Tariff.

already too likely to overflow, this new element of dispute and heart-burning. I trust that, under these considerations, the majority will concur in the motion now submitted, and that we shall thus have a bill containing those items only on which there is no dispute.

Mr. CLAY'S motion to recommit the bill was negatived, by the following vote:

YEAS-Messrs. Bayard, Black, Calhoun, Clay, Clayton, Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Hendricks, Kent, Knight, McKean, Moore, Morris, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Southard, Spence, Swift, Tipton, Tomlinson, Wall, Webster-24.

NAYS-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Cuthbert, Ewing of
Illinois, Fulton, Hubbard, King of Alabama, King of
Georgia, Linn, Lyon, Mouton, Nicholas, Niles, Norvell,
Page, Parker, Rives, Robinson, Ruggles, Sevier,
Strange, Tallmadge, Walker, White, Wright-25.
The debate was further continued by Messrs. PRES-
TON and BLACK.

Mr. CALHOUN said he was fully apprized of the impatience of the Senate, and regretted to detain them at so late an hour; but he could not avoid saying a few words before the question should be put upon the pas. sage of this bill. It now appears (said Mr. C.) that the administration party did not intend to respect the provisions of the compromise law. The people of the North seem, with but little exception, to be disposed to adhere to it. The question then arises, what course ought to be pursued by me, and by those who act with me, on this subject? The course, as I apprehend, is an obvious one. So far as the manufacturing interests are concerned, they concur in the arrangement; not a petition has been presented, not an effort has in any shape been made, to disturb it. The present is the first attempt which we have witnessed in any wise to interfere with it. And this attempt is not made by manufacturers, but by politicians; and by politicians from the manufacturing region of the Union. I regret exceedingly that the South, which has so deep a stake in the observance of the compromise, should give any countenance to such a design. This bill does not violate our share of that arrangement; not an article of it; the violation is of that part of the bargain which belongs to the North. It rests, therefore, with the Northern interest to say whether they will sustain their public men in such an attempt or not. I leave it to them to settle the question.

As to myself, I care not how many dutics are taken off, provided it be done by gentlemen from that section of the Union; but, in the mean time, I shall do my duty. We of the South, it is always to be remembered, are the weaker interest; in this sort of contest it is we who are to be the sufferers. I therefore, for one, will not vote to disturb the compromise of 1833.

[FEB. 25, 1837.

York has laid a State tax of six cents a bushel on all salt ascending her canals. This salt duty is the bait; and for the sake of this small gain we are invited to disturb the arrangements of the compromise. But I can tell these fishers, they shall not catch me. I was caught once by following the same lead. I am not to be caught a second time. Wait till 1842, and you will find that which I say is true.

We have been told that the Senators in the opposi tion have given no pledges to observe the compromise law; but I ask, have either the chairman of the Committee on Finance, or other gentlemen of the same party, given any pledge that they will not violate that compromise when the year 1842 comes? They are now for reducing duties; but will they not then be for arrest. ing the reduction provided by that act? Rely upon it, that is the very thing that they have in view. Their professed object is to get rid of the surplus, and they talk of making war upon the protective system, and even of its entire overthrow.

When men make professions, I am called upon to judge of their sincerity; I am in the habit of looking at the measures they pursue, and whether these measures are the fit and appropriate means toward the end they profess to have in view; and if I perceive that they are not, I hold it proper to be on my guard. I admit that these gentlemen are opposed to having a surplus in the Treasury, and I perceive that they have given a pledge to the South that they mean to make war upon the protective system. Such being their aim, what is the mode which they ought to take to attain it? Is not that mode obvious? Should they pick out the article of salt, to accelerate the reduction proposed by the compromise of 1833? It was one defect of that arrangement that the reduction proposed by it was to be too rapid towards the close, and too slow in the beginning. The obvious rule of proceeding would rather have been to make it swift at first, and slow afterwards. It would have been perfectly easy to say that the amount of all protective duties should have been reduced one fifth on the 1st of Janua ry, in every year, for the five years. That would have reduced a greater amount than the whole of what is proposed by this bill, and would have given a sure pledge to the South that gentlemen were sincere in their professions and promises. I should then have believed them. But when I see them proceed to select articles not made in the States where they have the majority, and see them opposing the reduction on articles made in States where they have not, I am naturally led to predict that, in 1842, they will come here and tell us that the reduction proposed by the compromise act is too rapid.

Our friends of the South (I speak now of such as are I am not, however, much surprised that the friends of friends of the administration, who are all deeply interthe administration from the Southern States should be ested in the articles of cotton and tobacco, and who, in tempted to give their votes for this bill. We have long relation to those articles, move all together, and must warred against the tariff; and when a proposition is made be sincere) found their course on the declaration of the for repealing any portion of it, it is not wonderful that Senator from Virginia, [Mr. RIVES,] who comes forward they should seize upon it with avidity. But let me here as the personal friend and political organ of the tell them to beware. Will you, for the trifling ben- President elect. That Senator tells us that Mr. Van Bu. efit now held out to you, establish the principle that the ren is a "practical politician.” And when he is asked act of 1833 is to be disregarded? You may now make what Mr. Van Buren proposes to do, his reply is, a small reduction in violation of its provisions; but do that he intends to reduce the tariff in such a manner as you forget that, if that act remains inviolate, in 1842 six that it shall not be injurious to any great interest of the tenths of the whole protective duties will go off? Let country. And what, I pray you, is this but the old song me tell my Southern friends that I know the men with which has been sung in our ears a thousand times? It whom we have to deal. Abandon the compromise, and is neither more nor less than the old story of a “judithey will be among the first to resist all future reduction. cious tariff." The Senator from Kentucky, the Senator We see the bait, but we do not perceive the hook that from Massachusetts, and all the friends of the protective lies under it. We see a proposition to repeal the duty policy, are for a tariff which shall not be injurious to any on salt; the motion, coming from a New York Senator, of the great interests of the country. They have never has the appearance of great magnanimity; but we did asked for any thing else, if you take their account of not remember, till we were reminded of it, that Newit; and yet for this vague declaration, made at second

FEB. 25, 1837.]:

Reduction of the Tariff.

[SENATE.

He who shall deliberately disturb it will give evidence either that he disregards the public interest, or that he misunderstands it. I regret that a single article has been inserted in this bill going to disturb the arrangements of the compromise. I am sorry that the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] did not succeed in his motion to recommit the bill with instructions. Had these disputed articles been stricken from it, the bill would have passed the House of Representatives almost unanimously. It is now late in the session, and it is exceedingly doubtful whether the bill in its present shape can pass that body. I hope that some gentleman who voted with the majority will yet move a reconsideration, and let us have the bill in such a shape that we can pass it unani

Mr. TIPTON said that as he expected, on the vote now about to be taken, to separate from most of the politi cal friends with whom he was in the habit of acting, and with whom he still intended to act, whenever he could do so without injury to his own immediate constituents or to the country at large, he would claim the indulgence of the Senate while he briefly stated some of the reasons which would govern his vote on the present motion to recommit the bill.

hand by the Senator from Virginia, we of the South are
asked to surrender the immense advantages secured to
us by the act of 1833-an act which explicitly provides
that the duties shall come off at a certain specified rate
until the whole are gone. Sir, this word practical is a
very important word. We call a man a practical man
who is a man of business, who is practical in his business.
Mr. Van Buren is a politician. That is his business, and
we are told that he is a practical politician. Now, sir,
what sort of an animal is a practical politician? I will
endeavor to describe it. It is a man who considers the
terms justice, right, palriotism, &c., as all being so
many abstractions, mere vague phrases, which it is very
well to use, but which are to be shaped wholly by cir-
cumstances. It is a man who acts in each peculiar junc-mously.
ture as expediency may require; who studies the men
about him with great care, with a view to a given end;
who studies especially their assailable points, and who
uses them as instruments for the accomplishment of his
own purposes. If, for example, there be near him a
Chief Magistrate distinguished by strong passions, a very
determined will, and a good deal of personal vanity,
he will touch that vanity, and, by skilfully playing upon
it, will get hold of the mind and will of its possessor;
and having once obtained a firm hold upon the Chief
Magistrate, he will employ the power and influence of
such an individual to an object eminently practical, viz:
the attainment of his own political ends. The same
thing he does with all other men around him. He uses
them all, he turns them all to practical use, for he is
himself "practical." He looks at particulars, and con-
siders all propositions of a general nature as mere ab-
stractions, with which a wise man will not too much
concern himself. A practical politician judges of all ac-
tions by the event. If they are successful, he is in favor
of them; if not, not. He adopts precisely the policy
that was pursued in the Italian republics, and weighs
every principle of morals and patriotism by the degree
in which it will conduce to a certain given purpose
which is to be gained. This is a practical politician.
And now I will tell you how such a politician is likely to
act in regard to the tariff question. He sees in the
opening of that question again the means and prospect
of a great increase of power; by rightly managing the
different States, and displaying them off in a skilful
manner against each other, and standing ready to make
the most of every result, he will hope to get into his
hands an entire control. By putting all things afloat,
he calculates to bring them all under the Government to
be managed; and this, let that management result as it
may to them, must be promotive of his interest. Now,
the South, as we all know, has an interest in the princi-
ples of free trade. What is likely to be her fate under
such a system of things it is easy to tell. She brings
him the least weight, and her interest will therefore be
the soonest disposed of, in whatever way it can be made
the most of.

Entertaining these views, I cannot consent to change my position. I am for adhering to the compromise. I think that the act holds out to us of the South great advantages, while, at the same time, the manufactures of the country flourish under it; (and whatever may have been said or thought, I am no enemy to the manufacturing interest, nor ever have been.) I think they will go through the reduction uninjured, provided we can but have a sound currency; for nothing can be so injurious to the protective principle as a currency that is unsound. We all desire that the manufacturers may get through the descent safely; and with a sound currency they may do it. Calculating on the same rate of importation as now exists, the amount of duties in 1842 will not exceed ten millions. I say, therefore, let the country remain quiet; disturb not this long-vexed question.

VOL. XIII-62

He considered it wise in an American statesman, when legislating in regard to the duties to be imposed on foreign goods imported into this country, to have a regard not merely to the raising of revenue, but also to the protection of American industry. It was this opinion which had governed his course in regard to the famous.com. promise bill of 1833, as well as all other laws connected with the tariff, which had passed the Senate since he had had the honor of a seat on that floor, and which would continue to do so in future. He did not consider it wise or necessary to agitate the tariff' question at the present short session of Congress. No such measure had been called for by any expression of the will of the people. It had been forced upon the consideration of the Senate by a spontaneous movement on the part of those who had brought it forward. Certain Senators had entertained the body by giving to the Senate a history of the passage of the tariff bill of 1828, particularly as connected with the business of President-making, and, in so doing, it appeared to him that some of those gentlemen did not look to the future. As for himself, he had had no concern in the passing of that law, nor was he willing again to move the tariff question, or to commence President-making at this time. The session was so far advanced that there did not remain time sufficient for that mature consideration which a subject of so much impor tance justly demanded. There were but five more business days now remaining, and he therefore thought it would be far better to postpone the subject to the next session of Congress.

But if the bill must pass, Mr. T. should vote for its recommitment, in order that it might be so amended as to continue the protection on China, porcelain, earthen and stone ware, also on foreign spirits and wines of every description, and on blankets and woollen goods. Should the bill become a law in its present shape, it would most injuriously affect a portion of his own constituents; and he felt it his duty to make an effort to have it amended. An opinion had long prevailed in this coun try, that the particular species of clay used in the manufacture of China and porcelain was nowhere to be found in North America; but recent examination had convinced those who were practically acquainted with the business, and therefore fully competent to judge, that clay of this description existed in the State of Indiana, and that of so superior a quality that ware might be manufactured from it equal to any now imported from Eng. land. An English gentleman, who had been extensively engaged in this manufacture in his own country, had re

SENATE.]

Reduction of the Turiff.

cently made a large investment in the State of Indiana, and was about to commence the business on an extensive scale in that State. Besides this establishment, Mr. T. believed that there was but one other of the kind in the United States, and that was situated at Jersey city, immediately opposite New York. The establishmeht in Philadelphia was confined to China ware alone. At these two porcelain establishments, American citizens had invested their property, and were making laudable exertions to compete, in this branch of industry, with British skill and British capital; and it surely was incumbent upon a wise Government to extend to enterprising individuals of this description its protection and encouragement. The amount of the foreign article imported into this country during the last year was $1,697,682, on which a duty was paid of $339,536. This duty afforded a sufficient protection; but if it should be abolished, the most serious inconvenience and injury, and not improbably total ruin, would result to the establishments at Jersey city and in Indiana.

[FEB. 25, 1837.

sell at the same price, and make as large a profit on the article as the British trader. But it would in either case be a rare thing, indeed, to see a blanket sold low to an Indian, no matter at what price it had been bought. The price usually paid by the Indians amounted, in most cases, to the full value of his winter's hunt, and he remained more or less indebted to the traders when the hunt was over. The American Fur Company, as Mr. Astor informed the Senate in his letter, wielded a capital of a million of dollars. With a capital of this extent, that company could much better compete with its British rival than our infant manufacturers could possibly do with those of England. We should never forget the lesson taught us on this subject by the late war with Great Britain. Previous to that event, but little attention had been paid to the manufacture of woollen goods in the United States. And who that was acquainted in the least degree with the history of that contest could ever forget the sufferings of the soldiers of the left wing of the Northwest army, who operated on the Maumee river in The same remarks would apply to the proposed re- the winter of 1812. The men were destitute of blanduction of the duty on blankets used in the Indian trade. kets not only, but of woollen clothes to shield them The Senator from Missouri, [Mr. BENTON,] who advo- from the severity of that bitter season; and he would ask, cated this measure, did so on information furnished to was the country now any better provided? Should war him by John Jacob Astor, a merchant, long and exten- be declared against Great Britain to-day, and the supply sively connected with the American Fur Company. It of British blankets of course cut off, were our factories was very true that blankets suited to our trade with the in a condition to supply either our army or our Indians Northwestern Indians had never been manufactured in with blankets for the first winter's campaign? So indisthe United States. Those referred to in Mr. Astor'spensable was a good blanket in the eyes of an Indian, letter, which had been read to the Senate, were manu- that it had been stated, in the letter read to the Senate, factured in England especially for that trade. They had from Mr. Stewart, an intelligent and highly respectable been introduced many years ago by the English North-member of the American Fur Company, that they would west or Hudson's Bay Company, through their trading posts on Hudson's bay, or by the way of Montreal and Mackinac, and distributed as presents from the British Government, or sold by the fur traders, to the Indians; from which circumstance they were familiarly known all over the Northwest by the name of Mackinac blankets. Every trader who went into the Indian country found it necessary, to satisfy the Indians, that the blankets he of fered them were of this description. The confessedly superior quality of this species of blanket was owing, perhaps, chiefly to the superior quality of the wool which entered into the fabric, as well as to the closeness and solidity with which it was woven. Under the fostering care and wise and paternal policy of Great Britain toward all her manufactures, this branch of industry had attained a perfection with which we were at present unable to compete; but, that we might do so in future, Mr. T. was of opinion that it would be wisdom on our part to profit by the experience of our great rival, and to pursue the same course which had established her manufactures upon so firm and immoveable a basis.

A few years ago an effort had been made by a woollen manufacturer in Indiana to make this description of blanket, and a sample had been sent to one of our military posts, for presentation to the Indians. The article was well made, the web was close and compact, as much so perhaps as the British blanket; but the wool was not so fine, nor of so long a staple, as that of the Mackinac blanket; in consequence of which, the Indians despised and rejected them. Mr. T. thought it would be good policy in this Government to extend such protection to the article, that our farmers might be encouraged in improving the breed of sheep and the quality of our wool. Could this be supplied, we might then enter into successful competition for the Indian trade with our rivals abroad. The question, in fact, now presented, was one between the American Fur Company, at the head of which stood that worthy and most enterprising citizen, John Jacob Astor, and the British Hudson's Bay Company. It was very true that the American fur trader could not buy British blankets; and pay the duty, and yet

travel many hundreds of miles to procure one. It had been through British blankets, mainly, that the British talks had succeeded hitherto in wielding the Northwest Indians against us; and this would continue to be the case unless this Government should change its policy, and come into the Indian market with an article equal to that provided for them by him whom they called their British father. The Indians called the English blanket by a name which signified both coat and house. The question, therefore, now presented to the Senate was, whether, by keeping up, for the present, the high rate of duties on foreign blankets, Congress would enable our own citizens, who possessed but a small capital of but a few hundred dollars, to grow wool and manufacture that description of goods to supply our demand; or, by abol ishing the duty, enable the American Fur Company, with its millions, to compete more successfully with the British Fur Company-thereby prostrating our own infant manufactures at the feet of British skill and British capital. To so fatal a policy he would never give his

sanction.

He also objected to that provision of the bill which contemplated the reduction of the duty on foreign distilled spirits and on wines, and regretted that the motion of the honorable Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CRITTEN DEN] to strike it out had not prevailed. These articles, as imported, competed with those of domestic manufacture. They were not necessaries of life; they were mere luxuries, used chiefly by the rich, who were well able to pay a high price for them. If our wealthy citizens were determined to persevere in the use of them, let them do so; but let us not, to accommodate them, injure our own country. The same remarks would apply to embroide ry, precious stones, perfumeries, and fancy and perfu med soaps, which it was proposed to relieve from duty. The high rates of duty which had been established for the purpose of paying the debts contracted by the rev olutionary and the late war had left the country with an overflowing Treasury; and the Government had but one alternative-either to reduce these duties or to divide a surplus. Between these, he should choose a reduction;

FEB. 27, 1837.]

United States and Mexico.

[SENATE.

Mr. WEBSTER was sure that the honorable Senator was very indifferent as to how the question might be decided, and would give him credit as to his motives in intimating that there might be some irregularity in the proceeding.

but he would have it to take place at the next session of
Congress, when there would be more time to mature so
important a measure. In reduction, however, he would
not lose sight of sufficient protection to our infant manu-
factures. He should be in favor of first abolishing the
duties on such articles as were of prime necessity with
the poorer class of our population. Among these, salt
held a prominent place, and it had been with great pleas-sachusetts.
ure that he had voted to strike out the duty with which
it was burdened. In that respect, the bill was highly ac-1
ceptable to him.

Mr. T. concluded by observing that he should vote for the recommitment of the bill, with a view to having it amended in the manner he had now briefly explained. If he failed in that effort, he should then vote against the passage of the bill, in the hope that the subject would be resumed at the next session, when it might be arranged with that deliberation and calmness which its great importance so eminently demanded.

Mr. KNIGHT moved to recommit the bill, with instructions to strike out common salt, stone and porcelain ware, palm-leaf brooms, button moulds, tinned and japanned saddlery, and spirits made from vinous materials; which motion was negatived, by yeas and nays, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Bayard, Black, Calhoun, Clay, Clay-
ton, Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Hendricks,
Knight, McKean, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Southard,
Spence, Swift, Tipton, Tomlinson, Webster-20.
NAYS-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Cuthbert, Ewing of
Illinois, Fulton, Grundy, Hubbard, King of Alabama,
King of Georgia, Linn, Lyon, Moore, Mouton, Nicholas,
Niles, Norvell, Page, Parker, Rives, Robinson, Ruggles,
Sevier, Strange, Tallmadge, Walker, White, Wright-27.
The bill was then passed, by the following vote:
YEAS-Messrs. Benton, Black, Brown, Cuthbert, Ewing
of Illinois, Fulton, Grundy, Hubbard, King of Alabama,
King of Georgia, Linn, Lyon, Moore, Mouton, Nicholas,
Niles, Norvell, Page, Parker, Rives, Ruggles, Sevier,
Strange, Tallmadge, Walker, White, Wright-27.

NAYS-Messrs. Calhoun, Clay, Clayton, Crittenden,
Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Hendricks, Knight, McKean,
Morris, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Robinson, Southard,
Spence, Tipton, Tomlinson-18.

After transacting some other business,

The Senate proceeded to the consideration of executive business; after which,

The Senate adjourned.

MONDAY, FEBRUARY 27.

Mr. KENT presented the credentials of the Hon. JoнN S. SPENCE, re-elected a United States Senator, by the Legislature of Maryland, for six years from and after the 3d of March next.

Mr. FULTON presented the credentials of the Hon. AMBROSE H. SEVIER, appointed a Senator, by the Governor of Arkansas, to fill the vacancy that will occur on the 4th of March next, for the term of six years.

Mr. WEBSTER expressed his doubts as to the constitutionality of making an appointment, no vacancy having occurred.

Mr. FULTON remarked that he and his colleague were aware of this difficulty; but he, (Mr. F.,) supposing that it would be a matter for the next Senate to act upon, presented the credentials under that impression.

The CHAIR said that it was not for the Senate to consider the qualifications of Senators elected to the next Congress. That Congress must act on this subject.

Mr. SEVIER expressed himself quite satisfied with the course pursued by the honorable Senator from Mas[No action was had on the subject.]

UNITED STATES AND MEXICO.

Mr. BUCHANAN moved to take up the report of the Committee on Foreign Relations on the subject of our relations with Mexico.

Mr. WALKER hoped that the resolution submitted by him for the acknowledgment of the independence of Texas, more than two months ago, and which had been so often postponed to make way for other matters, would have the precedence.

After some remarks from Messrs. PRESTON, CALHOUN, BUCHANAN, and WALKER,

The CHAIR said that the report of the Committee on Foreign Relations had come up in its regular order, and must be first considered, unless postponed by a vote of the Senate.

Mr. PRESTON moved to postpone the resolution, for the purpose of taking up the resolution on the subject of the acknowledgment of the independence of Texas; which motion was negatived: Yeas 9, nays not counted.

Mr. CLAY rose and said that he supposed the only question which would be presented to the Senate would be upon the resolution. He had risen merely to say that he concurred with the other gentlemen who composed the committee, upon the subject under consideration. He agreed with the rest of his colleagues, that the controversy with Mexico had made out no case justifying a resort to war or for the issuing of reprisals; and he thought that renewed efforts should be made to obtain redress, before it should become necessary to declare war against Mexico to vindicate the honor and interests of the country. He felt himself bound to say, that whilst he concurred with the committee, which he believed was unanimous in adopting the resolution, he did not agree entirely with the body of the report. He thought the case was made out rather stronger against Mexico than the correspondence of the Government with that country justified. And he must say, in all candor and truth, that the departure of our representative from Mexico, under the circumstances, was harsh, abrupt, and unnecessary. A long letter had been addressed, in pursuance of instructions from the Department of State, by the American chargé d'affaires, to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs in Mexico, and which bore date some time in December last, and embraced a great variety of claims in respect to which information was to be procured, and procured, too, from remote parts of Mexico. Some delay, in consequence, took place, on the part of the Mexican minister, in sending his reply to our chargé d'affaires. When we came to examine the reply with candor and fairness, in respect to which some of our claims were admitted, and concerning others more information was required, the Senate would think, he presumed, that there had been more precipitation than was necessary, on the part of our minister. Well, it was in this state of things that he shortly after demanded his passports and came home.

Now, he (Mr. C.) thought that such were the circumstances then existing, that our chargé might have waited further instructions; and, if he had delayed his departure, the Mexican Government would probably have

Mr. SEVIER said that he had very great doubt of the legality of the appointment, and did not at all doubt the patriotic motives which influenced the Senator from Mas-been able to furnish him with further information. He sachusetts in expressing himself as he had done. Mr. S. cared not how the matter should be decided, one way or the other.

would have heard what they thought of the letter from our Secretary of State, relative to the final disposition of