Slike strani


Distribution Question.

(FEB. 28, 1837.

to be justified alone upon the extreme necessity which adhered to his land bill and opposed this amendment, tben existed. What is now the state of the case? This wbich, if it should prevail, must destroy that measure. amendment has been ingrafted by the House upon an For my own part, I shall vote to strike this amendment ordinary appropriation bill. From the very nature of from the bill, without the slightest apprehension of subsuch bills, they ought to be, and generally are, confined jecting myself to the charge of inconsistency. to grants of money for the execution of existing laws, Mr. RIVES explained, in reply to Mr. Clay, that his and for carrying into effect the settled policy of the remarks, as to the aristocratic character of the Senate, country. To unite this deposite section, in ihe same had no reference to the individual character of its membill, with the appropriations necessary to complete our bers, but to the constitution of the entire body, in its system of fortifications, is to declare to the world that it collective capacity, as farthest removed from an expresbas become a part of our settled policy. Does any ne. sion of the popular will. cessity now exist for the adoption of such a measure! As to the appeal of the Senator to the majority of the Are we now placed in the same situation in which we Senate to exbibit a deference to the will of the people, were at the last session of Congress? Will there be any as expressed by a vote of the other House, it would surplus in the Treasury on the 1st of January next, be. have had more weight had it been seconded by the exyond five millions? Has this fact been ascertained? ample of the Senator bimself. Mr. R. Iben alluded to Shadows, clouds, and darkness, rest upon the question. the stern rejection of the three million appropriation for Whether there will be or not is uncertain, contingent, fortifications, which had been proposed by the House of dependent upon the action of Congress, and upon the Representatives on a former memorable occasion. The speculations in the public lands. My own impression Senate was now committed before the world to a sys. is, that, if there should be a surplus, it will be compara. tem of policy w bich was opposed to the accumulation of tively small; unless this very proposition for its deposite surplus revenue; and there was not the slightest inconwith tbe States should be the means of creating it, by de sistency if, in adherence to that policy, it rejected a feating the passage of important bills for the defence measure which was founded on a policy directly the reand benefit of the country. What necessity now exists verse of this. Mr. R. adverted, as Mr. Buchanax had for the adoption of this measure? If there shall be a sur. done, to the different circumstances in which the Sen. plus wben Congress meet on the 1st of December next, ate bad been placed at the last session, as a sufficient it will then be time enough to provide for its disposition. reason why he had advocated a similar measure, at that One great objection to this measure is, that it will make time, to that which he should now oppose. the extreme medicine of the constitution its daily bread. Mr. PRESTON was understood io say tbat the SenIt bag already become so familiar to us that Senators ale had been regarded and represented as an aristocratic are now willing to insert it in an ordinary appropriation body while it was opposed to the administration, but bill, and thus make it the settled policy of the country. ceased to be so when it changed to the opposite side in It should be the exception, not the rule. Above all, it politics. He regretted that it was so officially lermed at is a remedy to which we ought never to resort until we the time, and hoped hereafter tbat it would not be so know that a surplus exists, or are absolutely certain that referred to at all. it will exist. Sufficient for the day is the evil thereof. The observations (he said) of the Senator from Vir

I shall not now speak of the unhappy influence which ginia (Mr. Rives] were sound and judicious, so far as this system of distribution would exert upon the State they related to facts; but Mr. P. had come to a different Governments themselves; because I have not risen to conclusion from that which Mr. R. bad drawn from the make a general speech, but merely to place my own premises. In the case of very large appropriations, conduct, in relation to this subject, in its true light. from an abundance of money, ihe question readily oc

And now, sir, permit me again to express my sorrow curred whether it might not be saved for their constitthat the Senator from Keniucky (Mr. Clar) bad not uents; thus avoiding a wasteful and inexpedient expend. been willing to postpone this question, and to wait until iture. Could not ihe money be saved now for their the next session. Then bis land bill might be presented constituents or for the States. The tendency of a surto Congress under brighter auspices than it has ever plus was to make members of Congress negligent and been heretofore. If a choice is to be made between that prodigal, which could only be corrected by their being bill and a system of distributing surpluses, it will not be stimulated to the very inquiry which the gentleman from difficult for me to decide. There is, in my judgment, Virginia bad suggested. Could it be expected that such no comparison between the two. If you grant the pro- an inquiry would make them niggardly and parsimoniceeds of the public lands to the Slates as their right, ous? The annual expenditure was now $30,000,000 or this is one source of revenue which you withdraw from $10,000,000. Could ihere be any danger, in this state of the control of Congress. Our system of policy would things, of too great economy? We were about to be overthus be rendered fixed and stable. We could then whelmed by a surplus, which we might get clear of either accommodate our duties on imports to the necessary by distributing among the States, or by swelling the exexpenses of the Government, and our tariff would not penditure so as to absorb it. If one or the other of these be subject to those perpetual changes which must ever measures must be perpetual, Mr. P. would prefer babitual exist whilst we derive a portion of our revenue from distribution to babilual exorbitant expenditure. The such a fluctuating source as that of the public lands. former, thongh an evil, had attached to it a degree of The States would receive this money, not as a matter of justice. The latter, a continued wasteful and prodigal bounty, but of right. They would, therefore, not feel expenditure, was the worst possible condition of the dependent for it upon the General Government. Nearly body politic. But Mr. P. was opposed in both furns to all the evils attendant upon a distribution of the sur- this eternal sweat, and would much rather reduce it at pluses would thus forever be avoided; and Congress once by the lancet. would then be compelled to raise the revenue necessary Mr. P. said be regarded the measure of distribution as to defray the expenses of the Government from the liaving a sliong tendency to produce the very event of customs and from other faxes. This would introduce a inquiry to which he had alluded. Pass now ihe meas. wholesome spirit of econony into our councils, without ure of distribution, and it would arouse the States (o making it the interest of the Senators and Representa lock, not into the tariff, but into the annual Governtives in Congress to array themselves against appro- ment expenditure of $30,000,000; and they would ask, priations for objects of a national character. I should why is all this squandered? Why is not the amount reTherefore have rejoiced, had the Senator from Kentucky duced within reasonable limits, and the residue given to

FER. 28, 1837.)

Distribution Question.


us? The result (Mr. P. urged) of this would be that the sing to open the way for improper tjation, and only expenditure would be reduced to some fourteen or six. throwing flowers over the mysterious way, which might teen millions.

hide his pitfall. The diseased action of this Government, Mr. P. said, Was this Government (Mr. C. asked) established to had ever been over-action. Too much power was con levy taxes; to collect, as trucides, the money that was to centrated here, and the whole system was overloaded. be expended by the States? Certainly not. When it The measure of distribution would arouse the States, and collecis taxes, is it to do it for the use of the States? Is suggest an inquiry into the means of saving the expendi. it prudent and wise to engage the Government in operature of the people's money; and there was no danger of tions not intended by the constitution! On the other its being reduced too low. The powers and wants of hand, is not every operation of this kind to be avoided? the original Government were few and simple; it was Mr. C. would ask the Senators from South Carolina, for some time kept within the proper sphere of its ac- when first this measure Was resorted to, was it not tion, and was all that the people could desire. But through fear and anxiety? And bad it not inverted the Congress had strengthened the Executive by expendi- regular administration of the Government? Could a sin. tures, which must all go through his bands. Mr. P. de. gle instance be cited in which new and extraordinasired to relieve the wants of the country; but he was still ry measures of this kind had not led to evil? more desirous that the Government should be reduced And was there no danger to the Government from to its proper action.

this new principle? Could any gentleman, however Gentlemen differed (said Mr. P.) in regard to the sanguine in his temper, fail to perceive that this operaquestion whether there would or would not be a sur- tion would create a disturbance in the machinery of plus. But if there should be a surplus, did they intend Government? What would be the necessary effect of that it should remain in the banks? 'If there should be a the measure! The Slates would get into the Treasury surplus, all concurred in the expression of the opinion by anticipation, and by imagination it would already be that it ought to be distributed. But suppose there should theirs; and not until after the Government was properly be none, a law of distribution would not take effect, and sustained would the remainder go to the States, but could, therefore, be the cause of no evil. It was best certain remnants would be left by them for the use of (he said) to guard on the side of danger, on the supposi- the Government. Representatives from the States tion that there might be a surplus. Gentlemen up to would come here to procure the means of excessive in. the close of the last session insisted that there would not ternal improvements, and would leave the Government then be a cent of surplus, and they came upon us with just so much as would maintain a miserable existence. the full cry of wait, wait till there is a surplus. Was it But there was also another view of the subject. Such proper to wait till the danger was upon us, or to pro. was the pride and perversion of reason in the human vide beforehand even for its possible occurrence? If mind, so great was the complication of motives that there should be no surplus, there would, in any case, be might be brought to bear upon it, that it was impossible no danger. They ought to provide for the danger, to determine, in some cases, even between two opposite which could possibly result in no harm if there should be results. It might, therefore, be that the States would no surplus, notwithstanding gentlemen argued that the sink to a pitiful dependence on the Federal Government. law would have a deleterious effect on the minds of the And who dared deny that this might take place! Tapeople. If there should be no surplus, there was no ken either way, it was a great evil in the proper ma. possibility of its debauching the people. The only safe chinery, and eminently disturbing the principle of Gov. mode was to provide for a distribution.

How great would be the mischief, it was im. But the probability was, that there would be a sur possible to determine; but even this uncertainty, in one plus; and, small or great, it was better to distribute it sense, made it the more terrific. Was this measure, among the states than leave it in the banks. If there, then, to be cherished and encouraged? Mr. C. called the bubble of paper circulation, promoted by it, would upon Senators who had an influence and name with the burst, and it would be in danger; though the loss to the American people to maintain those great principles on Treasury would be slight, in comparison of the general which their safety and happiness depended. calamity. Let it be generally understood that when The Senators from South Carolina had acknowledged, there should be a surplus, the banks were not to have it, not only by their actions but their words, that there was but it would go back to the States. Some of them bad no reason to apprehend a surplus in the coming year. turned the back of the hand for a moment when it was This, then, was a new dread of a surplus, which bad presented; but where was the State that had actually re- arisen suddenly, since Saturday last at six o'clock; (alfused to receive it? Some of them were coy in their luding to the origin of the proposition for distribution in words; but when a great evil was to be avoided, they the House.) That (Mr. C. said) was the date of this thought it belter to get clear of it by submitting to the new anxiety. loss. Some Stales had said they would not touch it. Mr. NILES here made some remarks on the subject, But every one had received it. Congress ought to in opposition to distribution, and unfavorable to the Sena adopt the measure of distribution till the people should ate, when opposed to the administration. be aroused, and the expenditures and the revenue should Here a short conversation took place, by Messrs. be brought down to the economical wants of the Gov. CLAY, WRIGHT, WEBSTER, and BENTON, on the

subject of suspending the action on the bill till to-morMr. CUTHBERT, having alluced rather indistincily row; which, however, was not formally proposed. to the position which Georgia occupied in relation to Mr. BROWN remarked that the subject of the debate, this subject, said that his friend from South Carolina had which he had no disposition to prolong, had no connex. stated very justly that some means ought to be devised ion whatever with the main object of the bill. This to prevent extravagant expenditure. But had he been be deemed a sufficient objection to the proposition as as zealous in providing the proper means of doing it, as now presented, even if there were no objection on prin. in condemning the Government for raising the expendi- ciple. The provision for distribution came intrenched tures? Or when one administration raises their expendi- behind the fortification bill; and be deemed this a sys. tures, did he propose that another should commit, as a tem of legislation radically wrong, in which two great remedy, an immediale robbery on the people, collecting questions, wholly distinct, were so connecled that Sena. their money for the purpose of distribution? His friend, tors miglot be compelled either to take both, or else to he thought, had fallen into the extrere of error, propo. I lose boih together.




Distribulion Question.

(FEB. 28, 1837.

The Senator from Kentucky had said that the present was now rising, and would probably continue to rise. proposition was identical with that of the last session. The rice crop, also, was rather beiter, though the toMr. B. thought there was a most material difference be- bacco was not quite as much; so that the products for extween them, and, in fact, no similitude at all. At the port in 1837 might be fairly put down to equal those of last session, there was an actual ascertained surplus; but 1836. The profits of trade were never higher, and the now there was no surplus actually in the 'Treasury. customs would probably not be less than $25,000,000 or There was only a possibility that it might accumulate. $30,000,000, though in bis estimate he had made the The one was a case of absolute necessity, the surplus have customs rather less than last year. ing accumulated during several preceding years. But In relation to the revenue from the public lands, Mr. now they were called on to provide for a distribution of c. had been guided more by the opinions of others who a surplus which might never occur.

had more experience, and he had set it down at eight or The measure, he said, would be an injury to the State nine millions of dollars. To this was to be added the Governments, by inducing them to enter upon extrava. stock in the United States Bank, which would make an gant schemes of improvement, in anticipation of a surplus. aggregate, for the year, of $42,000,000. Expectations would be excited by the act, which would The question now, whether there would or would not never be realized. This, stimulating them to extrava. | be a surplus, depended (he said) on the answer to the gant schemes, would throw them into difficulty, and do question whether Congress would appropriate all this an unknown amount of mischief. And why legislate at money. Would politicians of the Jefferson school, who all on the subject at this juncture? The provision in the had expelled the old administration, partly on account bill proposed a distribution of the surplus on the 1st of of its prodigality in an anuual expenditure of some January next; but, before that time, another session of $12,000,000, would they go so far as to appropriate Congress would commence, and there would be time even $27,000,000? At this Mr. C. Would place the exenough then to legislate on what was certain, and not penditure, though he thought the extreme ought not to uncertain or improbable.

exceed fifteen or sixteen millions, and the average not Another objection to the measure way, that it would more than twelve or fourteen millions. There would tend to fix perpetual distribution on the General Gov. Then be a surplus of some fifteen or seventeen millions, ernment. The distribution law of the last session Mr.

with the enormous expenditure which he admitted might B. believed to be judicious, and the lesser of the two be made. evils, one of wbich was unavoidable. But he would not

Last year, the reiterated predictions that there would contribute to the establishment of a system which he be no surplus had proved to be false. This year they considered pernicious. And legislation of this kind, in would be equally so. There was a heavy surplus now, 80 quick succession, he thought was calculated to fix the and, without extraordinary expenditures, there would system upon us.

be at the end of the year. There were two reasons The country, he thought, must feel greatly indebted to which he thought decisive in urging at this time the their watchful guardians, who were for dividing a sur- measure of distribution. One was, that if they made plus among them which had no existence except in ima- | no disposition of the surplus, the scenes of last year gination. Mr. B. had always supposed that, when a would be renewed; the banks would loan extravagantly, trust had been committed to trustees, they had dis. relying on the surplus as banking capital, and would ex. charged their duty faithfully when they distributed funds tend speculation every way and to every thing. This after they had actually accrued. But here gentlemen state of things the President himself had denounced; and proposed to execute a trust which had not yet devolved yet, notwithstanding past experience and these denunci

ations of the President, we were now told to omit this But there was another aspect in which the question measure for preventing such a result. The opposite might be viewed, of great importance to the Union, and course (Mr. C. said) was the true one. Pass this law especially to the planting States of the South. No sys- now, and it would check extravagance and speculation, tem which the advocates of the tariff could devise would and remedy the very disordered state of the currency, be better calculated than this system to perpetuate the which would otherwise be still more disordered. This tariff. If Congress would give in to the system of an- would meet fully and decisively the two first objects of nual distribution, this country would not, for years, if the Senator from Pennsylvania and of every Senator. ever, be relieved from the tariff system. From the The next argument was, that the passage of the bill want of time, Mr. B. said he should forego some of the would familiarize us to a system of distribution, which remarks which he had intended to make on this subject. might thus be permanently ingrafted on the administra.

Mr. CALHOUN said the question was now brought tion of the Government; whereas distribution ought to to the single point, of what discrimination there was be. be an exception, and not the rule. To this latter prop. tween this bill and the other, and whether this was un. osition Mr. C. agreed most heartily; and no man urged wise and that a wise one. Gentlemen admitted that the it more than he. He was the first to denounce such a situation of the banks last year and now was precisely system, and his opinion on this point bad undergone no the same. The next point of the Senator from Pennsyl. change whatever. It ought to be an exception, and not vania (for others had followed almost exactly in the the rule. His own language was, that it was to be used track which he had stricken out) was, that when the law as medicine, and not as food; and the provisions of this of last year was passed, there was a large surplus in the very bill were founded on the disordered condition of Treasury, while now there was none. But (said Mr. the republic. It was in the congestive state, and this C.) notwithstanding the distribution on the 1st of Janu. | bill was intended to remove the obstructions. But the ary last, our Treasury is as full now as it was at that dose must be repeated till the system should become time.

healthy. In Mr. C's opinion, the measure ought to be Mr. C. here went into the details of various statements repeated while the revenue should be going down, till and estimates, to prove this assertion. He made the the time of its reduction to the economical wants of the sum in the Treasury now $42,000,000. The income of Government. It might require repetition again and the customs last year he said was $21,000,000; which again; while the scheme, as a permanent one, would be differed by $2,000,000 from his estimate for the present perfectly absurd. As such, there was not the smallest year. The imports, be said, were regulated by ihe eso reason to fear that the people would ever come into it. ports, which were now known. The esports of cotton General Jackson, in two of his messages, lad strongly were greater than in the year preceding, and the price I recommended it; but, with all his popularity and power,

upon them.

FEB. 28, 1837.)

Distribution Question.


even be could not carry it; and nothing but absolute ne- one year more; at the next, again for two years; and so cessity had ever effected the passage of the former bill, on, till, finally, the whole scheme would become forever or could effect the passage of this; and that this had al. perpetual and eternal. But he had not counted on the ready passed the House was decisive proof that it was good fortune to the country that at this session the a measure of necessity.

friends of the scheme would come forward with a prop. The Senator from Pennsylvania was in favor of re- osition that it should be perpetual. And this matter was ducing the revenue; and so was Mr. C. Early in the calculated to have so much the more favor, as eternity session, the Senator from New York and himself passed was greater than time. Mr. B. rejoiced that the en. some words on the subject, and Mr. C. then told him tire magnitude of the proposition now stood revealed. that he had no faith in a reduction at this session, which The system (Mr. B. said) of permanent distribution was difficult at all times, but was now attended with in- was now avowed openly and aboveboard. Let us superable difficulty. There were then two measures in go on with the word deposite, and attach it to the view, one of which was to reduce the tariff of 1833. Mr. harbor bill and every thing else. The word requisition C. thought then there was very little prospect of the was worn out during the confederacy, and led to the passage of such a law, or of a law reducing the revenue adoption of this Government, which was established for from the public lands. Yet, if they would and could re- the sole purpose of being independent, with power to duce, he said, go on and do so. It was now the last day call for the money to carry it on. It was now proposed but one, 'and ihere was no hope that the bill for redu. to annihilate the very ground on which the Federal Gov. cing would pass. The administration majorities in both ernment was formed. The scheme was disclosed, and Houses bad failed of reduction. Would they now leave there was now no doubt that the high intelligence and the money in the hands of the banks? Mr. c. trusted incorruptible virtue of the people would look for a difthey would not. There were now but three alternatives, ferent project. one of which was to leave the money in the banks. We had now, then, got a proposition for a permanent Would Congress do this, receiving only two per cent., distribution, and the surplus was not intended to be apand that not on the whole, but only a part of the amount, propriated, but to be distributed. And could any one when it was well known that with them it was at least doubt that Congress would not find a perpetual fund? worth six per cent.? Were they to leave it with the Yes, they would find it. There were interests beyond banks, as an instrument for political purposes? Why that would have ample power to back and to bribe them; should gentlemen recommend so extraordinary a course, interests that were cemented together on the ground of so unequal, so partial, to avoid returning it to the people resisting appropriations, and of resisting a reduction of to whom it belonged? Why were they so averse to such the revenue also, and of increasing it from all its sources. a distribution? Was it to prevent the people from being they were now for yielding to the act of compromise, corrupted? Were the people alone capable of being throwing around it the sanctity which was now claimed corrupted? Were the Government and banks all pure, for it. "The duty on wine had been already reduced, in while the people, the people alone, were corrupt and contravention of the compromise; and when it should corruptible? Mr. c. however, would not argue in re expire, in June, 1842, on the next morning, when Congard io the State Governments, as he thought they of gress would be untied from the obligations in which the course must be perfectly safe.

act had tied them up, on that very morning of the 1st of The second alternative (Mr. C. said) was to expend July, Congress would instantly restore the protective this enormous amount. That had already been contem duties, and fill the Treasury to overflowing, and not with plated as a dangerous error. In 1828, the income of the the continual current of a rill across the continent; on Government was raised enormously. We were now that day an act would be passed, compared to which about in the commencement of the operation of raising that of 1828 was only a trife. They would then want the expenditure, and at the very time when the reve- / $50,000,000 or $100,000,000. nue was going down at about an annual average of Mr. B., in the midst of some incidental remarks, allu. $2,000,000 till 1842. Mr. C. thought $12,000,000 or ded to the bill of Mr. Calhoun for ceding the public $15,000,000 a most ample provision; especially as the lands to the States. Where was the person, he asked, fortifications and other defences being nearly completed, who was simple enough to suppose that this proposition the expenses must be nearly limited to the civil list. for distribution did not surrender that bill, leaving nothThe administration of Mr. Monroe was called extrava. ing but the bone to support a shadow? The lands that gant in the expenditure of $10,000,000, which was the could now be got for $i 25 per acre would in 1842 be extreme annual amount. The appropriations then for raised to $5 and $10 per acre. Let this bill pass, and fortifications and the army were called most extravagant. farewell to that bill; farewell to the extinction of the But now gentlemen could not be contented with less federal title to lands, in favor of the States; farewell to than $20,000,000 or $30,000,000; and at this rate the all graduation of the price of the public lands. If this expenditure would very soon overrun the income. We bill should pass, the Treasury would be kept for the must then raise the tariff or cut down the expenditure. purpose of being ravaged-the spoil of political scramThese sudden vibrations (Mr. C. said) were all wrong. blers, and nothing but a remnant would be left for the This want of looking forward, this wilful blindness to immolated victim, the duped and ruined Federal Gove the future, was wholly unworthy of those who had the ernment. We know the young States are to be demanagement of the republic. The responsibility and voured by the old, and hence the measure is the more the danger was great, if either this bill should be lost, or odious to the West. The land bill of Mr. CLAY was far if a resort should be had to extravagant expenditures. preferable to the measure now presented. That bill

The last and only remaining alternative was a deposite gave 125 per cent of their own carcass to the new of the surplus wilh the States. It was now late in the Sta'es. But this gave not one slice, not even a lick of session, and Mr. C. would not further consume the time; their own blood. but what he had said was ample to show that there was If driven to the allernative, Mr. B. would take that in no material distinction between the case now and that of preference to this; but, rather than take either, he the year preceding.

would place his bat on his head and walk out of the CapMr. BENTON said, when the distribution bill of the itol, never again to behuld the inside or outside of its last session was up, it was represented as one operation. / walls. Mr. B. rejoiced that the proposition had been But it made way for others. At the next session, he brought forward at this early stage, with the purpose of then thought there would be another proposition for making it perpetual, habitual, eternal, and that the word


Distribution Question.

(FEB. 28, 1837.


was even ostentatiously used, thrown in their faces, and raising money to distribute; we shall no longer hear of driven down their throats.

reducing the revenue of the country to its necessary exAnd now for the Senator from Ohio, (Mr. Ewing.) penditure; we shall then have no difficulty in disposing That Senator had favored Mr. B. with a few words of the surplus; it will go to the States as a matter of quoted from a speech of his. He had read it as he found

course; and our whole system of government will thus it, and as Mr. B. had spoken it, and never in his life had be changed. he been better understood. The Cherokee treaty, the For my own part, (said Mr. B.,) I should be sorry to Florida war, and innumerable bills, all of which, be reduce the tarif below the proper limit. I am in favor said, were for working the machinery of Government, of affording to our domestic industry all the incidental providing for the pay of officers of Government, and protection which can be yielded to it in raising the reve. for improving the condition of the country, belonged nue necessary for the wants of the Government. In. to the working of Government machinery: Mr. Jeffer. deed, if any thing could reconcile me to the doctrines of son's purchase of Louisiana for fifteen millions of dollars the Senator, it would be the protection which they must was not extravagant, and it would not be charged as the necessarily afford to our manufactures. Let this amend. means of working Government machinery. At that time ment pass the Senate, as it has already passed the men charged it to the expenditures for the support of House, and who can believe that the tariff will ever be the common family.

reduced? If all the surplus money which can be colHe would now say a word on the subject of a surplus. lected by this Government is to be distributed amongst No word in the English language bad been so much the several States, this will perpetuate high duties forabused as this, for the last twelve months. Gentlemen

It is not, however, either my intention or my asked last year for a division of the surplus. But did wish to quarrel with him on this account. if he will, they put it in the bill? No; it was not surplus, but ap- | by advocating this system of policy, force upon us a high propriated money, which they recaptured and distribu: tariff, my constituents will bear their part of the dispen. ted among the States. Mr. B. here read over several sation with Christian fortitude. appropriations which had not been expended. These, I am sorry now to believe in the truth of the declara. he said, were unexpended balances from the last year, tion of ibe Senator from Missouri, (Mr. Bentun,) that because the appropriations were made too late, But the land bill is a lifeless corpse. I have clung to that they would never be abandoned, and the taxes must be

measure, through good report and through evil report, kept up for the purpose of paying them. On the 1st of until it has been abandoned by all its other friends, and January next, there would be ten or twelve millions of

I am left as the only mourner of its unhappy fate. Dead unexpended appropriations. Now, he asked, what is and gone, as it appears to be, I shall not do its memory surplus money under our laws! Here he read from the

so much injustice as to compare it with the system of law, that appropriations were valid for two years after distribution which its former friends have now adopted their passage..

This act, he said, had been in force forty in its stead. years, and this bill would go to violate it. No word, The land bill would be the safety-valve, the regulator then, was more abused than the word surplus. Gentle.

of our system of revenue and expenditure, without in. men were unwilling to insert the reserved $5,000,000, Aicting any of the evils on the Federal Government as over and above all appropriations.

which must flow from annual distributions of the surThe revenue, Mr. B. maintained, was in greater dan plus in the Treasury. ger in the United States Bank than in the deposite banks. What is the theory of our Government under the conBut what had the Government to do with banks! They stitution? Congress possess the power to levy and collect were built on the surplus money, banks upon banks. taxes. For what purpose! To accomplish the great ob

We had already seen the fatal effects of this measure jects specified in the constitution. This power of levying on this session. All kept it in their eye, and stood to- taxes carries with it an immense responsibility. The gether, resisting appropriations and a reduction of the

representatives of the people, when they know that all revenue, and swelling the amount. What effect had this the money they appropriate must be taken from the measure on the bill sent to the other House, on the 25th pockels of their constituents, will be careful to expend of February, for reducing the revenue? If there had it with economy and discretion. But we possess vast been no scheme for distribution, that bill would bave reservoir of wealth in our public lands, so irregular in been acted on immediately. But now, by this scheme, its current that, in one year, it pours into the public that bill lay paralyzed, and probably dead forever. It Treasury twenty millions, and in the next it contributes would be seen that, when the revenue was to be reduced, but one tenih of that sum. This deranges all our legisthe surplus party would stand together and vote against lation, and renders all great interests of the country it. It would be so on appropriations; their vote would | Auctuating and insecure. It encourages extravagant be one and indivisible, and they would be for raising the appropriations by Congress, and banishes economy from duties on the 1st July, 1842, and for raising the price of our legislation. It leaves every interest in doubt and unthe public lands. Let gentlemen take their course. certainty. lo one year, when we have more money than Those who voted for this bill would also vote for a per. we know how to expend, we hear the cry that the tariff manent distribution, and to raise the duties in the tariff must be reduced; the revenue must be diminished to the of 1842, and to deny pre-tmption to settlers. Whatever necessary expenditures of the Government; protection might be their intentions, such would be the effect of must be wilbdrawn from our manufactures. The next their votes.

year, perhaps there may be a reaction. Speculation in Mr. BUCHANAN must say, in candor, to the Senator ihe public lands may have exhausted itself, and the re. from South Carolina (Mr. Caluoun) that he had entirely ceipts of the Treasury from this source may be greatly failed to convince him he was wrong. Of one thing, diminished. What comes then? Tbe tariff must be however, he had convinced him, and that was that the raised; the duties on imports must be increased to meet Senator, in fact if not in profession, was one of the very the necessary wants of the Government. Thus the pube best tariff men in the country. Lei bim succeed in sup- lic mind is kept in a perpetual state of excitement. No porting this amendment which had been adopted by the domestic interest can calculate upon any fixed and House; let him succeed in establishing a system of dis- steady protection. We are in a state of continual doubt, tribution as the settled policy of the country; and then public opinion fluctuating with the fluctuations in the what will be the inevitable consequence? 'High taxes sales of the public lands. None of the great interests of upon imports will be maintained for the purpose of the country can ever flourish, unless they can calculate,

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