necticut, declaring it to be necessary for protection against the British, as well as against New York. In June, 1777, a committee was appointed to draft a constitution, and the name of Vermont was adopted. In July following, the constitution was ratified, and at the first election held under it, Thomas Chittenden was made governor.

That first constitution of Vermont cannot be read without admiration. I pity the man who, in view of the time and the circumstances of its composition, can read it without sensibility. Framed by a rural people, in hardship and poverty, a foreign enemy at their very gates, a still more inveterate foe in the sister province that should have been their protector. Its authors neither statesmen nor lawyers, untrained in political science or literary accomplishment, but one of them having ever sat in a legislative assembly before. They were only doing their best under every discouragement, with such slender acquirements as they had, towards the foundation of a government that might command the respect of mankind. The constitution of Pennsylvania, adopted the year before, was doubtless in a considerable degree their model. But there was much in their work that was original. And it displayed a breadth and elevation of view, a profound sagacity, an independence of thought, and a sublime faith, not reasonably to be looked for in such an assembly. It would be an interesting task to review this constitution, if the flying hour allowed. Two or three points only can be most briefly touched.

It contained the first prohibition of slavery ever put forth on this continent, through all parts of which

the institution was at that time legal. The language is worthy of quotation:

"That all men are born equally free and independent, and have certain natural, inherent and unalienable rights; amongst which are the enjoying and defending life and liberty; acquiring, possessing and protecting property; and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety. Therefore, no male person born in this country or brought from over sea, ought to be holden by law to serve any person as a servant, slave or apprentice, after he arrives to the age of twenty one years; nor female in like manner after she arrives to the age of eighteen years; unless they are bound by their own consent after they arrive to such age; or bound by law for the payment of debts, damages, fines, costs or the like."

I may pause to read one other paper, on the same subject, that has found its way down to us like a scattered leaf from the foliage of a departed year. When in November, 1777, a slave woman and her child fell into the hands of a company of Vermonters, commanded by Ebenezer Allen, who had fought with great distinction at Bennington, he gave her this writing, and set her free:

"To whom it may concern, know ye: whereas Dinah a negro woman with her child of two months old was taken prisoner on Lake Champlain with the British troops the 12th day of inst. November by a scout under my command; and according to a resolve passed by the Honorable Continental Congress that all prizes belong to the captivators thereof, therefor she and her child become the just property of the captivators

thereof: I being conscihentious that it is not right in the sight of God to keep slaves: therefore obtaining leave from the detachment under my command to give her and her child their freedom. I do therefore give the said Dinah and her child their freedom, to pass and repass anywhere through the United States of America, with her behaving as becometh, and to trade and traffic for herself and child, as though she were born free, without being molested by any person.

In witness whereunto I have set my hand and subscribed my name,

EBENEZER ALLEN,

Capt. in Col. Herrick's Regt. of Green Mountain Boys."

There is not much lawyership in the form of this document. It is neither elegant in style nor faultless in orthography. But perhaps it has found record where such deficiencies are overlooked.

Another article in that first constitution should not be passed by in silence. Its authors appear to have seen with a prophetic eye, when they founded free government, that its greatest danger was like to be the greed for office, which turns places of public trust into the spoils of party, and the opportunities for plunder. And they adopted this clause:

"As every freeman to preserve his independence (if without a sufficient estate,) ought to have some profession, calling, trade or farm whereby he may honestly subsist, there can be no necessity for nor use in establishing offices of profit, the usual effects of which are dependence and servility unbecoming freemen in the possessors or expectants, faction, contention, corruption and disorder among the people.

But if any man is called into public service to the prejudice of his private affairs, he has a right to a reasonable compensation; and whenever an office through increase of fees or otherwise becomes so profitable as to occasion many to apply for it, the profits ought to be lessened by the Legislature."

We have lived to see the prohibition of slavery in the earliest constitution of Vermont become a part of the fundamental law of this nation. May the time be not far off when its declaration against that other and more widespread curse which corrupts and degrades free government shall be likewise put in force by the body of the American people.

One more provision in this instrument may be quoted. From each representative in the Legislature was required, before taking his seat, this declaration:

"You do believe in one God, the Creator and Governor of the universe, the rewarder of the good and punisher of the wicked. And you do acknowledge the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament to be given by Divine inspiration: and do own and profess the Protestant Religion."

Under this constitution, Vermont, already for thirteen years an independent community, became an independent State, subject to no national jurisdiction. She exercised, from 1777 to 1791, all the powers of sovereignty, and maintained herself against New York, against Congress, and against the Union. She fought through the Revolution on her own account, and, with the help of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, defended herself. The State flag that still flies over us was the flag of that earliest day. No other State in the American Federation, save Texas, ever had

an independent existence. All others were in their beginning either colonies of a foreign power or territories of the United States. Till the very last, both during and after the Revolution, the majority of Congress was against her, swayed by the power and influence of New York. Represented neither in Congress nor in the Legislature of New York, and without means or influence to make herself felt in either body, recognition of her independence and her admission to the Union were continuously refused, and the title of her people to the homes they occupied denied. The contest of the Colonies in the Revolution was against taxation without representation. That of Vermont, through the war and for eight years afterwards, was against confiscation without representation. No oppression charged upon Great Britain by America approached that sought to be visited by Congress and New York upon Vermont, while she was fighting side by side with them, to her last man and last dollar, in the struggle for national independence.

The history of the early life of Vermont is a grand and inspiriting history. No words of mine in these brief moments can justly characterize it. We find it difficult at first, in trying to understand it, to raise ourselves to its plane, and to view it in the light of its own time rather than of ours. Accustomed to see self-interest predominant, and individual success the universal goal, we are involuntarily groping after motives and springs of action in the builders of our State, which had no existence among them. We do not rightly comprehend what they did, until we come gradually to realize the absolutely unselfish devotion, the genuine and unalloyed patriotism, the ardent love