activities of government beyond keeping itself alive, for tariffs and government subventions, and for all claim of superiority in the educated class and all political initiative except by spontaneous popular movements. In short, Jackson was the agent of a Democratic revolution, which supported him with a swarm of new men and approved his policy of turning out the trained officials neck and heels. Adams held his vote well; the stock reasons for his defeat - his ungraciousness, his refusal to employ patronage, his revival of charges against the New England Federalists are absurd in face of the fact that he had but one vote less than in 1824 and of Jackson's enormous plurality. No candidate representing trained statesmanship, culture and a liberal government policy, could have won this election.

1832. The Democratic tide swept on overwhelmingly. Jackson's unprecedented use of the veto power to defeat internal-improvement schemes voted for by members of his own party only bound the majority more tightly to him; his war against South Carolina for attempted nullification cost him her votes, but brought him reinforcements from the nationalist section; his hostility to the Bank of the United States was a prominent issue in the canvass, and was that of his constituents. Nothing better proves the senselessness of accounting for great political results by personal factions or squabbles than the fact that Adams in 1824 and 1828 had more electoral votes than all Jackson's opponents together in 1832.

1836.-The issues of this year were the carrying on of Jackson's policy, though its great objects had been accomplished, the deposits had been placed in State "pet banks" instead of the United States Bank,- and his dictation of his own successor. To oppose this dictation, one party sprung up with the ardent Jacksonian Hugh L. White as nominee, another as a Georgia State Rights faction,- though Jackson had championed the Georgia rights in the matter at issue (see CHEROKEE CASE); Jackson's influence, however, was powerful enough to nominate Van Buren as the "regular" candidate and he was elected by a much reduced vote from Jackson's.

1840. Few men have had a worse legacy than Van Buren received in the Presidency; and few have made a better use of it. Almost his entire term was occupied by the panic of 1837 and the three years of hard times which succeeded it; caused entirely by Jackson's "monkeying" with the currency of which he knew nothing. The State banks which replaced the United States Bank as depositaries and were used as Democratic political machinery, instead of managing the funds with discretion as the old bank had done, issued masses of notes till a tremendous inflation of the currency had created a vast land speculation; then he suddenly withdrew recognition of the paper currency and brought the whole structure down with a crash. Van Buren was a politician, but he was a sound statesman and financier and an honorable public man; he would have no more meddling by the government with the banking business for which he was unfit, even to extricate his own administration from a scrape; and after three years' struggle he established the Sub-Treasury system, to the lasting benefit of the country. But with the customary popu

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lar perspicacity, he was made the scapegoat for calamities which he had not caused and whose renewal he had prevented. Furthermore, the Whigs outbid the Democrats in avowed submission to the "popular mandate," their candidate Harrison promising to disuse the veto; they outdid them in the "popular hero" line by turning a useful but not very brilliant Indian battle into a second Marathon, or rather repeating the name without discussing the details; capped their swarms of mythical anecdotes of Jackson's homespun habits and unpretentious heroism by an equal number about Harrison, models of his hypothetical "log cabin" and bibulous reproduction of his "hard cider" days; they made bargains and absorbed both the Southern free-lance opposition parties; and by all this and their campaign "noise, numbers and nonsense," carried all but three old States and four small new ones, 234 to 60-a majority which suggests that possibly the noise and nonsense were not needed nor efficacious, and a quieter campaign of sensible argument might equally have won, with a real leader like Clay and no ruinous bargains.

1844.- Harrison had barely survived his inauguration; and the usual policy of "placating" the strongest part of the opposition by giving them the Vice-Presidency (Tyler) had produced its usual and deserved fruit of turning the administration over for the whole four years to the Nullification party, except so far as the Whigs tied its hands. This under Clay's leadership they did, consolidating the party by steady war on Tyler, and heartening themselves at last to do what they had not before and did but once again-put forth a platform. It was a very compact and well-expressed one, excellent from the Whig or present Republican standpoint; but it was displaced as an issue by far more exigent and pungent practical ones. The tariff of 1842, which was almost weeded of protectionist features by the joint efforts of Tyler and the Democrats, was made one of the arguments; but the decisive one was Texas. For years the great object of the Calhoun wing of the Democrats had been to annex Texas; partly to increase slave territory and balance Northern growth, partly with the immediate aim of disrupting the Whig party by forcing it to take a position which would drive away either the Northern or the Southern wing. Tyler, deprived of Whig support, again drew near to the Calhoun party to which he had formerly belonged; in 1844 Calhoun was made Secretary of State; and with this administration backing, the Calhoun party obtained control of the Democratic national convention, committed it to Texas annexation and gave the nomination to the Southerner Polk instead of the Northerner Van Buren. Clay was asked to declare himself on this point; he wrote an evasive letter which cost him the support of the political abolitionists (see LIBERTY PARTY), who nominated a ticket of their own with disastrous results to both. The three tickets were those of Polk, Clay and Birney; the first on the issues of protection, distribution of land sales, cutting down Presidential power and dodging all phases of the slavery question; the second on the "reoccupation of Oregon and the reannexation of Texas"; the third on immediate abolition of slavery. The last-named cast onlv 62,300 votes; but enough of those were in New

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York and Michigan to turn the former's 35 and the latter's 6 electoral votes from Clay to Polk, electing the latter, bringing in Texas and bringing on the Mexican War.

1848.- The Mexican War had been the dominant issue for a couple of years before, and the Democrats had striven to make it destructive to the Whigs by forcing them into obnoxious declarations of principle; but the latter voted supplies for it and evaded abstract pronouncements as to its righteousness. The Wilmot Proviso (q.v.) was a heavier blow, for the Southerners looked on it as a primary touchstone of sectional loyalty, which stood above party loyalty. The one salvation was a popular moderate candidate who could be accepted by the voters to whom the Democrats were simply impossible; and such a one was found in Gen. Zachary Taylor. A Louisiana slaveholder, no Southerner could suppose he would sign a bill endangering his own property; known to dislike the veto, he could be trusted by the North to obey the verdict of Congress if it passed the Proviso; a popular hero, he commanded the great unreflecting brute vote which supposes military and civil functions somehow related. He was elected by reason of a split in the New York Democracy, the country being about evenly divided; that he was elected at all, however, is remarkable proof of the terror of the conservative masses at having the slavery firebrand thrown into politics. It was this vote which elected the Whigs Clay and Taylor (the former really elected so far as the Democratic competitor went), and the Democrats Pierce and Buchanan, each in the hope of suppressing the question altogether.

1852.- Taylor died in 16 months and the Vice-President, Fillmore, completed the term; but all through the four years each of the two parties of unlimited slavery extension and slavery restriction was drawing its ranks together and forming into the parties soon to contest the final mastery. In place of Whig and Democrat, it was increasingly North and South. Unfortunately, the South was willing to fight and the North as yet was not; and the so-called Compromise of 1850, like most compromises, was practically all on one side, the Northern Whigs letting the measure go by default. They did not like it, but the South insisted and they had much more confidence in placating their own constituents for adhering to it than the South for not doing so; once passed, therefore, they proclaimed it a sacred and irrepealable decision, as being a "compromise," and the Fugitive Slave part as being a sacred obligation to uphold. As always, the "reopening of agitation" was executed by the Southern wing; before the Presidential nominations were made, they had determined to force the Whigs to an absolute declaration of party policy, a touchstone of legitimate membership. First at the Whig caucus of 20 April, then at the Baltimore national convention of 16 June, they insisted on the party recognizing the Compromise as a finality; in the platform, the last article, of great length and minuteness, made the Fugitive Slave Law, by name, a part of the organic constitution of the party. This was death, and the Southern Whigs must have so intended it. General Scott, as a military hero, was made the candidate. The Southern Whigs, instead of voting for him on account of the Fugitive

Slave plank, largely voted against him because the anti-slavery men in the convention, for no assignable reason, had voted for him, and he was said to be partial to Seward; the Northern Whigs largely voted against the platform and the Whigs carried only four States, Massachusetts, Vermont, Kentucky and Tennessee, and less than a third of the next Congress even nominally, a third even of that being Southerners who soon became Democrats. The Whig party was no more; "died of an attempt to swallow the Fugitive Slave Law" was the epitaph proposed for it.

FORREST MORGAN,

Connecticut Historical Society. AMERICAN POLITICAL ISSUES, 1865-1918. Reconstruction. The predominating question that presented itself for settlement in the years immediately succeeding the Civil War was Reconstruction, or the conditions under which the seceded States should be readmitted into the Union. Reconstruction was not officially complete until 1870, when Georgia, the last State to be restored to the Union, was readmitted; scarcely any other question was considered during the administration of President Johnson. But although, technically, the Southern States were restored to self-government, and the two administrations of General Grant saw vigorous military force employed to control the complexities of an anomalous situation, it was not until the middle of President Hayes' administration, or 13 years after the war closed, that an end was finally put to Federal interference in the local concerns of the Southern States. See UNITED STATES RECONSTRUCTION IN THE.

Rise of New Parties.- During the first administration of President Grant steps were taken toward the reform of the civil service, March 1871. It was about this time that the Prohibitionists first put a national ticket in the field, and this period was noted also for the appearance of organized labor in the arena of national politics by the formation of a LaborReform party. A Liberal Republican party

was also formed, and the decadence of old issues and use of new ones was graphically indicated by the fact that there were five party tickets in the field in the election of 1872. The formation of this Liberal Republican party, which chose Horace Greeley as its standard bearer, should receive further notice, for it dominated political formations and alignments, down to 1892. It took with it many of the great abolition leaders of the old Republican party men like Sumner and Phillips who claimed that the old party no longer stood for the principles from which it had gained its strength and life. These men were the predecessors of the later Independents and Mugwumps. These recalcitrants were met halfway by the Democratic party, that made haste to drop the old Doughface and Copperhead issues and catch-words, and nominated their bitterest foe because he seemed to impersonate the Republican revolt. The immediate result was defeat, but it led to the Tilden victory (or nearvictory, according to the point of view) in 1876 and the election of Cleveland in 1884, and definitely committed the Democratic party to an attitude that faced the future instead of the past.

The "Grangers" and the Money Question. The seething process was still going on, for from 1872 the genesis of at least two new issues appeared; one was the "Granger" movement, which, though primarily organized to promote co-operative buying and selling and securing laws favorable to the farming classes, became the seed, which flowered later, of attempts, not always well advised, to curb railroads and trusts and prevent discrimination in rates and prices. Another great issue to assume large importance at this time was that of national finances. Occasioned by the terrible panic of 1873, and by a supposed public demand that gold should be used only to pay the interest on the national debt, a "Greenback" party was organized in 1874 which took part in the three following national elections, and, under the name of the Greenback-Labor party, polled more than a million votes in the congressional elections of 1878; and in that year silver was made legal tender and given limited coinage. But in 1874 President Grant vetoed the "Inflation Bill" which would have added $44,000,000 to the currency; and on 7 Jan. 1879, in President Hayes' administration, specie payments were resumed after a suspension of 17 years, and greenbacks have ever since been payable in gold on demand.

The Civil Service.- The assassination of President Garfield led to a radical reform in the civil service. The vicious system taken over by Jackson from that of New Yorkclassic in Marcy's sentence, "To the victors belong the spoils," had become so deeply rooted that perhaps nothing less than the martyrdom of a President could have effected a change in public policy at this period. But on 1 Jan. 1883, the "Pendleton Bill" provided a constitutional, practical and effective measure for the remedy of the abuse known as the "spoils system." Many States have enacted laws along the same lines, and the classified lists of those subject to civil service examinations have been increased by the executive orders of successive Presidents, until, on 30 June 1915, of 476,363 officers and employees of the Federal civil service 292,296 held positions subject to competitive examinations under civil service rules; and the practice of levying assessments for partisan purposes has long since been discountenanced by law.

Anti-Chinese Legislation.- Anti-Chinese feeling on the Pacific coast made it necessary in 1876 for both great parties to insert antiChinese planks in their platforms. A bill to restrict Chinese immigration was passed in 1879, but was vetoed by President Hayes because it violated the Treaty of 1868. In 1880 a new treaty was negotiated with China, under which the United States was to regulate, but not to prohibit absolutely the entrance of Chinese. The limitation was to apply to Chinese laborers only. An act of 1882 suspended the immigration of Chinese laborers for 10 years. This act was amended in 1888 to prohibit the return of Chinamen once here' who went back to China. A treaty pending with China at this time was denied ratification by the latter because of the amendment. In 1892 the Act of 1882 expired and a new law was passed continuing the exclusion for a further period of

10 years. In 1902 an act was passed con

tinuing existing legislation until further en

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actment should be made and extending the exclusion laws to the island possessions and forbidding the migration to the mainland or to other island groups of Chinese domiciled in one group. See CHINESE IMMIGRATION.

Railroad and Commerce Regulation. It was during President Cleveland's first administration, 1887, that the first great measure looking to the regulation of railroad and commercial interests was passed the Interstate Commerce Act (see COMMERCE, INTERSTATE); this was amended in 1893 by the Elkins Act, which omitted the penalty of imprisonment. The original act was amended in a drastic way in 1910, the Elkins Act being left in force. The amendment is known as the Mann-Elkins Amendment to the Act to Regulate Commerce. It contains 24 sections, which specify the companies and organizations subject to the Act, and forbidding discrimination, rebates and preferences of all kinds. For a summary of its provisions see RAILWAYS-GOVERNMENT REGULATION OF. An Interstate Commerce Court was established in 1910 to hear appeals from decisions of the Interstate Commerce Commission. See INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION; UNITED STATES COMMERCE COURT; TRUSTS.

Formation of Other Parties. It was at about this time, which seems to have been one of great political initiative, that (1888) two new Labor parties appeared, Union Labor and United Labor; and in the next presidential election (1892) the Socialist Labor party and People's party or "Populists" were born. The Populists demanded the free and unlimited coinage of silver; national ownership of all public means of communication and transportation; a graduated income tax; popular election of United States Senators; and, it is interesting to note, the adoption of the initiative and referendum (q.v.). Many of these measures have since been brought into prominence by the Socialists or have been adopted into the platforms of one or both of the greater parties. The Populists were also pioneers in denouncing the imperialistic policy of the government in 1900. In 1892 they polled over a million votes and in the two following elections fused with the Democrats (See IMPERIALISM). To indicate still further the political restlessness of this period we may recall the fact in 1896 there were seven parties in the field and, in 1900, eight. The Socialists had now divided, or increased, into two parties, of which the new one was to prove the stronger. In the election of 1900 it polled nearly three times as many votes as the SocialistLabor party; by 1908 it had 30 times as many votes. In 1912 it was again 30 times greater than the older party, but in 1916 it received almost 50 times as many votes, although it polled only 59 per cent of its 1912 vote and the Socialist Labor party only 32 per cent.

The Tariff. This question was brought to the front during Arthur's administration in 1882. The clamor against the exorbitant rates had been so vociferous that the President appointed a commission to report on conditions. The commission, manifestly partisan in its personnel, was expected to "stand pat" and report against lowering the tariff; but they astounded the country by recommending a 20 per cent reduction through the entire list. Congress,

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however, calmly ordered an increase of 10 per cent and there the subject rested, if the country didn't, until the famous "Tariff Message" of President Cleveland in 1887. The burden of this message was that the existing tariff was the cause of burdensome taxation which could be relieved only by a reduction of the duties on raw materials, especially wool.

The resulting Mills Bill failed to pass the Republican Senate but, in 1890, under President Harrison, the McKinley Act was passed which raised, instead of lowered, the duties on most articles. In 1894, under President Cleveland's second administration, the Wilson Bill became law, its principal feature being free admission of wool. In 1897, under President McKinley, came the Dingley Act; the duty was again imposed on wool and other rates were advanced. In 1909, under President Taft, the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act was passed with no general lowering of the tariff wall. A tariff board was created not only to secure information on the maximum and minimum provisions of successive tariff bills but upon the relative costs of production at home and abroad.

The Payne-Aldrich Tariff of 1909, which was so irregular and unscientific that President Taft had hesitated to sign it, although he afterward held it to be "the best tariff that the country had ever known," was also assailed by President Wilson. Four other bills for tariff reform passed by Democrats and Progressives had been vetoed by President Taft. These now paved the way for the Underwood Tariff Act which became law 3 Oct. 1913, and fixed a high rate on luxuries and a low revenue rate on the necessities of life. The results were unfortunate; duties were so lowered that the customs receipts fell off $26,000,000 in the following year. Further depression was caused by the outbreak of the European War in 1914 which upset all calculations. On the revival of business in 191516, while the Republican party stood firm for a protective tariff, less was heard about a general revision, and more about certain changes of detail. A Tariff Commission was created by the General Revenue Act of 1916, to consist of six members. It is the duty of the Commission to investigate the administrative, fiscal and industrial effects of the tariff laws. The free-sugar clause of the Underwood Tariff Act was repealed in 1916.

In conjunction with President Taft's tariff policy, an attempt was made in 1911 to crown previous reciprocity arrangements with different countries by a Canadian Reciprocity Agreement. This was designed to secure admission into the United States of Canadian agricultural products in return for the repeal of Canadian duties, such as wheat and other grains, fresh fruits and vegetables, dairy products, fish, eggs, poultry, cattle, sheep and other live animals, on American cotton-seed, fruit, etc., with reduced rates on agricultural implements and other manufactured articles. This bill was passed by Congress but rejected by the Canadians in a special election.

The previous reciprocity agreements referred to were: First, one with Canada in 1854, which lasted for 12 years. Its provisions as regards Canada were almost identical with those of 1911, except that manufactured articles were not included - only raw materials

which both countries produced. It is curious that the objections to it in England and Canada were almost exactly identical to those heard later, viz.: The fear that the United States was attempting to weaken the bonds between England and Canada with a view to annexation of the latter to her neighbor on the south. In 1875 a reciprocity treaty was made with Hawaii, admitting Hawaiian sugar, duty free, in return for a long list of manufactured articles. This treaty remained in force until the annexation of Hawaii in 1898. Under the terms of the McKinley Bill in 1890 reciprocity treaties were made with Germany, Austria and several South American countries, but these were repealed by the Wilson Bill in 1894. See UNITED STATES - RECIPROCITY; UNITED STATES HISTORY OF THE TARIFF.

Foreign Relations. It is necessary to go back to the administration of President Harrison to note the first real growth of public interest in the foreign relations of the United States, both commercially and diplomatically. The meeting of the Pan-American Congress (q.v.) in Washington in 1889, for which the far-seeing statesmanship of James G. Blaine must receive most of the credit, did much to prepare the way for commercial reciprocity and for a more liberal attitude toward the outside world. This event marked the first entrance of the United States into world politics since 1815. Before that its keenest interest had been in foreign affairs, as became a satellite of its mother; since then the outside world was almost forgotten except when certain portions of it were menaced as in the Civil War. It was in 1889 that we strode into the world arena once more but under widely different auspices; for there followed the Expansion Period, the creditable part borne by the United States in the Boxer troubles in China, the "Open-Door" policy of Secretary Hay, the successful offices of President Roosevelt in establishing peace between Japan and Russia and other notable evidences that the United States had at last taken her place as a "world power." See UNITED STATES-TERRITORIAL EXPANSION; UNITED STATES-COMMERCIAL DEVELOPMENT.

Anti-Trust Legislation. The Sherman Anti-Trust Act of 1890 had led to a number of secret agreements between interested parties which sought to evade the provisions of the act, while still dominating the various markets. When Colonel Roosevelt became President, he resolutely instituted an investigation of these evils, and in 1903 the AttorneyGeneral was instructed to bring suit to dissolve the recently-formed Northern Securities Company, as a combination in restraint of trade with interests which would permit the control of the nation's railways passing into the hands of three or four persons. In 1904 the combination was declared illegal by the Supreme Court. The Railway Rate Regulation Act of 1906 made concessions to the railroads, but President Roosevelt's attitude antagonized large banking, corporation and other commercial interests. Under President Taft, regulation of railways and corporations was not favorably looked upon, and this with further leniency toward moneyed interests, led to the formation of the Progressive Republican party, which joined with the Democrats,

when opportunity offered, to promote legislation favorable to their views. This movement created opposition, led by ex-President Roosevelt, to President Taft's re-election. The result was a Democratic party victory with the election of Woodrow Wilson by a minority vote-2,500,000 less than the combined votes of his Republican opponents. President Wilson was not in sympathy with consolidated business interests, which he described as "so great that it is almost an open question whether the government of the United States can dominate them or not," and he proposed that Congress should pass new laws curbing monopoly. In 1914, the Rayburn Bill, an anti-stock watering measure, was introduced and passed the House, but was stopped in the Senate as it was discovered that the financial condition of railroads made it inadvisable to press further legislation. The Federal Trade Commission Bill and the Clayton Anti-Trust Act, however, became law; the first to deal with corporations not engaged in transportation but carrying on interstate business or with a foreign country; the second to meet difficulties that had arisen through efforts of corporations to create monopolies by indirect dealing, such as offering their products at special low prices until their competitors were driven out of business.

Income Tax.- When in 1895 the Supreme Court set aside the Income Tax Law of the previous year, on the ground that it was a direct tax, and therefore must be apportioned among the States according to population, an amendment to the Federal Constitution seemed the only remedy. On recommendation of President Taft, both Houses of Congress, with almost no opposition, submitted such amendment to the States in 1909, allowing an income tax without proportional distribution. It was ratified by the necessary 36 Statesto which six others were promptly added and became a part of the Constitution, 25 Feb. 1913.

an

Senatorial Election by Popular Vote.During the first decade of the 20th century there was constant agitation for an amendment providing that senators should be elected by popular vote. Such an amendment was submitted 15 May 1912 and it went through with such rapidity that it was put in force 31 May 1913. From that time all vacancies as they occurred were filled by popular election. The result was that many senators who had never been chosen to any office by popular vote found that they could not meet that test and dropped out. By 4 March 1919, this amendment had its full effect, every senator thereafter being chosen by direct popular vote.

Liquor Legislation. In recent years the liquor question has grown into an issue of vast national importance. Prohibition and local option have made great strides across the continent, though it cannot be said that the consumption of intoxicating beverages has fallen off in proportion, the per capita figures for 1916 being slightly greater than those for 1902. Whereas prior to 1 Jan. 1915 there were only nine States which had adopted prohibition, on 1 March 1917 there were 25 States on the "dry" list, with an aggregate population of 35,380,568 (1910 census). In 19 States pro

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hibition laws were effective while in the other six the law became operative at different dates during 1917 and 1918. Hence it was estimated at the time that more than 55,000,000 of the population of the United States were living under prohibition and more than 60 per cent of the entire area of the nation was prohibition territory. In the Presidential election of 1916 the Prohibitionist candidate, Mr. J. F. Hanly of Missouri,`received little over 221,000 votes, about 13,000 more than the candidate in the previous (1912) election, but considerably less than were obtained by the Prohibition candidates in the elections of 1888, 1892, 1904 and 1908. But if the party prohibitionists were not supported in the popular voting, their cause was greatly advanced in the referendum voting on liquor laws and prohibition amendments. Though the joint resolution providing for the submission of a prohibitory amendment to the Constitution was not voted upon during the 64th Congress, the consideration which was given the measure in both Houses indicated a strong sentiment in its favor. Enormous changes were wrought by the Food Control Act of 1917 as a war measure, and further modifications were introduced by the November elections of that year. See LIQUOR LEGISLATION: PROHIBITION.

Woman Suffrage. The issue of votes for women made large advances between 1913 and 1917. It was one of the most widely discussed questions in the range of popular government. By 1916 women voted on equal terms with men at all elections in 11 States and one Territory, Alaska; partial suffrage existed (1917) in six other States. An amendment to the Federal Constitution, Article II, to strike out the word "male" was defeated on 12 Jan. 1915 by a majority of 204 to 174 in the House of Representatives. In Indiana a suffrage bill passed 22 Feb. 1917 was declared unconstitutional and void 17 September. The campaign of 1915 in the three great Eastern States, New York, Massachusetts and New Jersey, was defeated by large majorities. The elections of 1917 revealed a great surprise when New York State declared for suffrage by a majority of 100,000 votes, to which the city of New York contributed a considerable portion, after having given nearly a 90,000 majority against it two years before. This brought the number of complete suffrage States to 12. According to statistics compiled by the officials of the National Woman Suffrage headquarters in November 1917 there were (together with New York) 10,121,931 women in the United States who may vote in Presidential elections, of which number 5,759,021 may vote on all issues. Total number of States, 19. On 4 March 1917 the first lady "congressman" took her seat in the American legislature. After sweeping the State in the primaries in August 1916, Miss Jeanette Rankin was elected (November 1916), as one of the two congressmen-at-large from the State of Montana. See WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

GEORGE EDWIN RINES. AMERICAN PRINTING TRADE. See PRINTING TRADE, AMERICAN.

AMERICAN PROTECTIVE ASSOCIATION, or "A. P. A.," a secret order organized throughout the United States and Canada. Its