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nection, also, the reader will find the opinions of Mr. Madison, Mr, Jefferson, Mr. Monroe, General Harrison, and others, upon the power of Congress to restrict slavery in the national territories.

From this period, down to 1854, the various phases of slavery agitation is traced, and the views of Clay, Calhoun, Benton, Cass, Dickinson, Seward, Marcy, John Quincy Adams, Silas Wright, Daniel Webster, and other of the eminent statesmen of the times, of both political parties, are given. A history of the KansasNebraska bill; extracts from the opinion of the court in the Dred Scott case, and other opinions of the courts in reference to slavery; the inaugural addresses of Washington, Adams, Jefferson, and Madison ; and the farewell addresses of Washington and Jackson; may also be found.

Since 1854, the Whig party, as a national organization, has ceased to exist, and the Republican party, organized particularly with reference to the slavery question, has taken its place. I have compiled nothing save the resolutions of the Presidential conventions, subsequent to that period, for the reason that congressional discussions

since that time are so familiar to the people, that a synopsis, within the scope of this book, must be too meagre for general interest. I have endeavored to give a fair and faithful compilation of the views and opinions of the eminent statesmen of the country, of both parties, from the organization of the government to 1854, while both of the great political parties were organized upon a basis that embraced the South as well as the North. The base of the structure is laid in the organization of the government itself, and the views of the men who framed it. Let the reader first examine well the base, and then, step by step, ascend to the summit, examining, as he ascends, the best lights he can obtain, and then, like a rational, thinking, independent man, form his own conclusions with reference to this question, and act accordingly. Keeping in view the peace

and welfare of the country, he will hardly act amiss, for there can be no safer guides for the present, than the lights and precedents of the past.

I can hardly expect that this volume will escape partisan censure and criticism. Extremists, both North and South, I have no doubt, will condemn it. This I cannot help; I only ask the reader to remember, that it is a compilation of the opinions of those who laid, broad and deep, the foundations of civil and religious liberty, and of those eminent statesmen who succeeded them, and who have shed a halo of fadeless glory around the character of the American nation. If I be the subject of reproach for the compilation, what would be meted out to those patriots and sages, were they now upon earth, and should they again proclaim the doctrines of their day and generation? It is not I who speak, but rather the voice of the immortal dead, a voice from the tombs of those great spirits, who, through the perils of war and revolution, established a government, the freest and the happiest on earth, and bequeathed it to us. Let us heed their admonitions, emulate their virtues, and profit by their examples.

E. B. C. Wilkesbarre, Penn., June 18, 1860.



Tłe causes wbich led to the formation of the Constitution and

wherein the Articles of Confederation were deficient for the
purpose of a government, by Mr. Madison-Appointment of
delegates to form a Constitution-Organization of the con-
vention-Resolutions of Mr. Randolph, which became the
basis of the Constitution-Mr. Madison, on the equality of
suffrage-Speech of Alexander Hamilton, advocating mo-
narchical government; also plan of government submitted by
him-Discussion continued—Angry discussion between Mr.
Madison, Mr. Martin, and others--Dr. Franklin proposes
prayer at the opening of the session_His remarks thereon-
Mr. Randolph proposes a sermon on the 4th of July-Pro-

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