the mere operation of the tides; and that this place is absolutely defenceless against any trivial force by sea. The harbors of Beaufort and Georgetown are entirely without fortifications of any kind. Under these circumstances, I console myself with the hope and expectation, that a speedy interference of the General Government will follow this act of cession. I beg leave to assure you, that I shall be happy to be aiding to the utmost, in effectuating the purposes contemplated therein, by any information or other means which may be in my power. I am, &c. To the SECRETARY OF WAR. PAUL HAMILTON. JANUARY, 1807. would make no distinction-money he must and would have. Whatever may be the objections of some gentlemen to the wooden walls of a navy, and however we may differ on that point, on which I think there cannot be a dissenting voice-I mean the defence of our own shores, an inheritance purchased at the immense sacrifice of the blood and treasure of our ancestors; and I do hope we shall transmit it inviolate to the latest ages: I hope we shall ever be united in one sentiment, in the defence of our own shores. The present state of Europe and our own safety demand it of us, as a duty we owe to ourselves and to our country. Savannah, Wilmington, Norfolk, and many other ports in the United States, I believe, are not eral Government in common with the other States, Sir, I contend we have a just claim on the Genin a much better situation, even at this day. What is the situation of the port I have the hon- for the protection of the port of New York; when we entered into the national compact, we surrenor to represent? Sir, it is peculiar, from various dered in full confidence our peculiar local situation circumstances. Nature has partly defended Sa- for the common defence, and to promote the genvannah, Charleston, Wilmington, and Philadel-eral welfare of our country-not doubting in the phia, and many other ports in the United States. least but that we should of course receive that proby sand bars, shoals, and rocks in their harbors tection we are justly entitled to, and I cannot but and rivers. Not so with that port, only twenty- persuade myself, that when gentlemen take into seven miles from the sea, almost in a direct line, view the magnitude of the object, they will vote a carrying up twenty-four feet of water and no ob- liberal appropriation, subject to Executive discrestruction. In the Winter season, when the Del- tion. I am not only speaking the language of New aware and the Potomac, and Patapsco, are fro-York, but the constant language from Maine to zen, the Hudson is open to the city of New York, no hindrance to the passage of ships of any burden. Thus we are exposed Winter and Summer to the insult of the first marauder that chooses to lay us under contribution. We do not expect the United States will construct fortifications similar to those of Gibraltar; but we do hope such measures will be pursued as to place all the ports and harbors of the nation in a respectable state of defence that defence should be solid, durable, and proportionate to the end desired. Can we take the responsibility on our own shoulders in neglecting to defend an exposed part of our country, wherein is centered, in so small a compass as the city of New York, upwards of ninety millions of property? Not only that city, but the whole Union would feel the shock. The States of Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, and the States adjoining the State of New York, are materially interested in the fate of that place; the amount of property deposited there from those States, chiefly the productions of our own soil, cannot be less than ten millions per annum. Sir, I should wish to know if the revenue of the United States deposited there is not an object worth defending? What would be the consequence, should that city be laid under contribution? Why, the bankruptcy of your merchants, and their total inability to pay your custom-house bonds, one being security for the other; and they all being plundered by the enemy, will render it impossible for them to pay, however anxiously they may be inclined to support that reputation which they consider coeval with their existence. Do gentlemen expect the United States money would have an ear mark on it-" millions for defence, not a cent for tribute," and that it would receive a peculiar protection? No, sir, the enemy Georgia. constant solicitude of the inhabitants not only of Mr. SMILIE. I agree with the gentleman from New York, that if we could, we ought to render the ports and harbors of the United States, invulnerable to any enemy. But if nature forbids this, can we effect it? The gentleman informs us that our Treasury is overflowing, and that the happy moment has arrived for accomplishing this important object. But does not the gentleman see that to adopt the course he recommends would be to proceed blindfold in this business? If he really believes it practicable to fortify the port of New York against the attack of an enemy, and it is true that we possess the means of doing it, what ought to be our first step? Surely to appoint a qualified engineer to examine the harbor, and to decide whether its fortification be practicable, with instruction, if he thinks so, to report a plan, and an estimate of the sum required. This appears to me indispensably necessary before we make a grant of money. From what I have heard from the best judges, I am inclined to think that it is im possible to defend the harbors. At any rate I do not perceive any great reason for anxiety beyond that which has existed for several years. We are not at present threatened with war. On the contrary, the nation, of whose injuries we have had the greatest reason to complain, is in treaty with us, and manifests an amicable disposition towards us. I am, therefore, of opinion that there is no danger at present; and I consequently think it would be unwise to arrest the discharge of the national debt, and apply large funds to this object, without any evidence of its utility. I have no objection to go as far as the Government thinks proper in the building of gunboats. But I think a large appropriation for fortifications would at this moment be objectionable. I believe the whole rev-I enue of the United States would prove inadequate. For these reasons I am opposed to the amendment. Mr. R. NELSON.—I cannot agree to fill the blank with so large a sum, and for this reason: We have been told by the Secretary of War, who must from his situation be considered as the best acquainted on this subject, that, although we should appropriate ten millions, the unexpended balance is as much as can be advantageously used during the ensuing year. This being the case, it is altogether unnecessary to inquire into the expediency or practicability of fortifying our ports and harbors from Maine to Georgia; as, if the thing were practicable, and we had the means, more than is already appropriated could not be advantageously expended. Let us for a moment examine the arguments of gentlemen. They have referred to the course pursued by other nations. They have told us that every other nation has fortified its ports and harbors, and has kept up great armies for its defence. What is the consequence? Their people are reduced to beggary and want. Rather than see the people of this country placed in the same calamitous condition, I would prefer beholding all the towns in the United States prostrate. I recollect that in the year 1776 it was considered good policy to defend the city of New York. For this purpose troops were stationed on Long Island, on Staten Island, and on the island of New York. What was the consequence? The flower of our army was destroyed, without answering any valuable purpose. Look at Charleston. It was also deemed politic to defend that city; and the whole Southern army was thrown into it. The whole army was either destroyed or made prisoners. So it will be in all instances of a like kind, whenever we shall be engaged in a contest with a foreign Power, possessed of a large naval force; the garrison we may throw into a town will be destroyed. It becomes us, if we are wise, to pursue a different policy. When the enemy comes, let them take our towns, and let us retire into the country. There we can meet and defeat them. But if we waste our strength in an ineffectual attempt to defend our towns, after having lost our best troops, we shall be obliged at last to take refuge in the country. Now, as to the port of New York, ten millions of dollars would not make it invulnerable to the at H. of R. tack of eight or ten ships-of-the-line. But suppose [The letter of the Secretary of War was here read, at the instance of Mr. CLINTON.] Mr. Cook observed, that when a motion had been made for the increase of our small Navy, they had been told that we were a land animal, and ought to adopt measures for our defence on our own terra firma. He said he should not have risen on this occasion but for the monstrous doctrine avowed by the gentleman from Maryland. Are we, said he, when an enemy attacks our towns, like the Indians of our country, to burn our wigwams and fly for safety! Mr. C. said this appeared to him a perversion of the true principles of justice, economy, and policy. It appeared to him to be necessary to defend their seaports, in proportion to their magnitude and riches, and to the revenue derived from them. Now, it was a fact that ninetenths of the whole revenue of the United States was collected in or near the towns. The House had recently repealed the act laying a duty on salt, the consequence of which was that the remaining duties fell the heavier on the seaport towns. What will the nations of Europe think of us, said Mr. C. if we pursue this conduct? If we shall be involved in a war with either of them, what have they to do, but to send a few small schooners to attack our towns, under the assurance that we will make no resistance to their pillage and destruction? I hope this absurd sentiment is not entertained by many members. I hope the House will fill the blank with a liberal sum-with the sum of $500,000 Mr. MUMFORD.-Sir, I was well aware that the gentleman from Maryland would inform us what says the estimate from the Secretary of War. Although I have as much respect for that officer as any man, and have the fullest confidence in his integrity, economy, and distribution of the public H. OF R. National Defence. JANUARY, 1807. money appropriated to that department, yet I pre-him that we do not expect the United States to sume he is not infallible. For my part, I differ fortify New York with walls of brass and brazen essentially with him in relation to the defenceless gates, like Babylon. But the citizens of that imsituation of our seaboard from Maine to Georgia, portant commercial city feel that they have a just which I consider as much exposed as the Western right to claim from the Government some protecor Southwestern frontiers. When I have been call- tion, some kind of fortifications, which will serve ed upon to vote supplies for those exposed parts of to obstruct the approach of a naval force for a time, the Union, I have done it most cheerfully, presu- that they may have at least a few hours to collect ming the same measure would be dealt out to all and carry with them their most valuable property the vulnerable points of exposure in the nation. in their flight. The property at this moment exAccording to the doctrine of some gentlemen, it posed is valued at more than one hundred milwould appear that we soon shall have nothing to lions of dollars. So great wealth was never before, do but to assemble, and like the old Parliaments by any nation, left unprotected. If the members of France, enregister whatever edicts the heads of of this House are determined to withhold the dedepartments may please to present us. I am a fence of the citizens, and of the property of the citplain republican, seeking neither office, nor court-izens of New York, merely as private property, then ing popularity, firmly attached to the principles I call on them to defend their own property. Yes, of freedom, and to what I conceive to be the true Mr. Chairman, property of the United States to interest of my country. I shall exercise my own a great amount is exposed, and on the Reprefeeble judgment in pursuing such measures as I sentatives devolves the duty of making such apthink may secure our common country against propriations as will enable the Executive to prethe inroads of foreign and domestic enemies; and, serve the wealth and resources of the nation. viewing the importance of more effectually de- The property of the United States in the city of fending our seashores, (ports and harbors,) and con- New York is calculated from four to six millions. sidering it equal in importance to other vulner- This amount of public property is exposed, for if able parts of the Union, especially in regard to our the property of individuals, who owe the Governrelations with Spain-for we cannot say how soon ment, is taken from them or destroyed, they canwe may be called upon to defend our own firesides- not fulfil their engagements with the public. The I cannot, I will not, any longer bear on my shoul- very circumstance of leaving so much wealth in ders the burden of that high responsibility. I do the defenceless situation in which we now find it, therefore hope the Committee will agree not to seems to invite aggression. It is a lure to any naval strike out. Power to attack us. The quantity of specie in the Mr. TRACY.-There appears to be a very great banks of New York and other seaport places, at difference of opinion in the minds of this Com- all times, is an inducement to the freebooters of mittee respecting the sum with which this blank the ocean, of any nation, to fall upon such plaought to be filled. The sum of $10,000 and ces, and lay them under contribution, or rifle the the sum of $1,000,000 have been mentioned. Be- banks. I would call the attention of this Committween wise men, is it not extraordinary that tee to the situation of New Orleans. Here we such difference should be discovered! I wish the find the conspirators in our own country calculablank to be filled with $500,000. The gentle- ting upon the money in the banks to enable them man from Maryland has informed us, that an to carry on the enterprise. Had they succeeded application has been made of only a part of the in seizing the bank of New Orleans, is it not proappropriation of last session. This is one reason bable that these same conspirators might have fitwhy I wish a large sum appropriated at this time. ted out an armament sufficient to have laid New I feel confident the money will not be squandered York under contribution? Considering the imaway in a useless manner. It is, that the President minent danger of many of our seaports, in their may have the money at command, if it becomes defenceless situation, I sincerely hope the Comnecessary to make use of it; and if there is no rea-mittee will consent to fill the blank with $500,000. son for applying all the appropriation, the money will lie safe in the Treasury. Besides, I really yet hope some amendment will be made in the report, similar to the one proposed by my colleague, by which the President will be enabled to arm, equip, and keep in actual service, if necessary, all the gunboats and frigates. The circumstances of the nation are in many respects essentially altered since the last year, and at this important crisis we cannot exactly ascertain how great a sum will be necessary to meet the exigencies of the year ensuing. The gentleman from Maryland has very cautiously informed us, that the city of New York cannot be fortified, unless at an enormous expense, that the very attempt would be to set a trap for our own troops; therefore, if an enemy should come, it would be better to retreat into the country. In answer to the gentleman, I would inform The motion was disagreed to-38 to 65. Mr. MUMFORD then moved to fill the blank with '400,000.' This motion was disagreed to-37 to 66. Mr. MUMFORD then proposed '300,000'-Disagreed to-ayes 36, noes 58. Mr. Cook proposed '250,000.' Mr. SMILIE said he sincerely wished the gentlemen would inform the House what kind of defence they desired. Last session a large sum had been appropriated for building gunboats. He still considered this species of defence the most consistent with their means; and that the money granted for the fortification of ports on the present plan would be so much money thrown away. He believed all they could do at present was to increase the number of gunboats. The question was then taken on filling the blank with '250,000,' which was disagreed to-ayes 37, noes 69. H. OF R. Mr. HOLLAND said, he felt no hostility to New had, however, voted against filling the blanks with the sums that had been proposed, from the impression that they were not susceptible of fortification from the attacks which might be made from without. On this ground he was against going to any great expense for the fortification of this or any other port, and should therefore vote against the present motion. due regard to the interests of the people of that city. I am far from joining in this charge-I Mr. THOMAS said he rose to move that the blank think it an unjust one. I find, on examination, be filled with one hundred thousand dollars, and he that the whole amount expended on fortifications, hoped the Committee would consent to fill it with at that port, by the General Government, prethat sum. He had not voted for the large appro-vious to the last session, was $100,025. Although priations which had been moved by several gen- we were threatened with a war in 1794-'95 by tlemen, because he thought it was asking too much England, and were threatened, or were actually at this time; it was also unnecessary, because it in a state of war with France in 1798-'99, notwas much more than could be expended to advan- withstanding this state of things, this sum was tage, in one year; but he did hope that the Commit- the whole that was allowed to put that port in a tee would agree to fill the blank with one hundred state of defence; while the present Congress, at thousand dollars. He said the port of New York the last session, did appropriate $150,000, the was, confessedly, the most important port in the greater part of which was intended, and is in a Union, and it was by far the most vulnerable-it train of expenditure, in fortifications, at that port. was therefore at this point, no doubt, the great- But, while I am willing to allow you full credit est part of any appropriation which should be for the liberal appropriation made at the last sesmade would be expended. It has been urged, as sion for this subject, I do hope and trust that you an objection to appropriating any considerable will continue to merit the same approbation, sum for this object at this time, that there is a large from all candid and impartial men, by filling this unexpended balance of the appropriations made at blank with one hundred thousand dollars. the last session; but the reason why a greater sum was not expended at that port, during the last sum-York, or any other city of the United States. He mer, must be obvious to every one who had inquired into the subject. It was midsummer before the Secretary of War was able to complete a contract with an engineer and workmen, after which it was found necessary for the contractors to erect temporary buildings, which they were allowed to do on the public ground, for themselves and workmen to live in while they were at work; before this was done the greater part of the season was Mr. N. WILLIAMS-When I look around me spent ; but every thing is now ready to progress upon this floor and view the apathy and calm inwith permanent fortifications there, provided we difference that seems to pervade the Representaafford the means. There is no question but that tives of the nation, my heart is filled with the much more money will be expended to advantage, deepest apprehensions. From the course the busiat that place, the next summer, than the unexpend-ness before us has taken, sir, I apprehend that we ed balance of the former appropriation, if we au- shall never rise into action, until roused by some thorize it, and he trusted we should-that the ap- dreadful disaster. Nor indeed do these fears appropriation of this reasonable sum would not be pear to be without a foundation, when we have refused. There have been, said he, several plans for upon this subject, from various quarters of the defending that port, presented to the public, by House, such peculiar objections and extraordinary sundry engineers, and which, he understood, were propositions. On the one hand, the gentleman also submitted to the Executive, with estimates from Maryland tells us of the expense of defendof the expense, some of which do not exceed $300,- ing our seaports and towns; and proposes in order 000. Provided we afford the means of progressing to avoid it, that we should retreat in case of danwith works for the effectual defence of that port, ger, with our families and valuables, back into the there is no doubt but that the head of the War tobacco fields and behind the mountains! While Department will adopt some of those plans, or another on my right, tells us of the impossibility form one from the whole, and proceed upon it, be- of erecting fortifications to defend New York; sides there can be no possible disadvantage result- and tells us, also, that he will never consent to ing from an appropriation a little larger than would enter into measures of defence in time of peace. be expended in one year. We all know that the When we hear opinions and propositions like unexpended balance of any appropriation after a these, coming from sources so highly respectable, given period passes to the surplus fund, while on let me ask, whether there is not some cause for the other hand a real inconvenience may result alarm? Would gentlemen consider seriously of from an appropriation too small; in this case the the importance of the city of New York, with workmen must be discharged, perhaps in the mid-respect only to the wealth and commerce, and of dle of the season, everything stopped, and any contract, however advantageous, which may be entered into, given up. Mr. Chairman, said Mr. T., we have heard great complaints, from citizens of the city of New York, on this subject, and we have heard, both out of doors and in the House, the present Congress charged with illiberality, and a want of its present exposure and defenceless situation, I' H. OF R. National Defence. JANUARY, 1807. dollars towards fortifications, to adopt the plan of erecting new works. And then he observes, that the Secretary of War has not been able to expend more than one-third of the money appropriated; and infers that it will be folly to grant more money when it cannot be expended. It will be recol-dren, and a few moveables, are running away to lected, however, by all who were present, when the appropriation was made last year, that it was expressly avowed by the honorable chairman of the committee, (Mr. DAWSON.) which reported the bill, that they had nothing but the reparation of old works, and to provide arms and ammunition for whatever place they might be wanted. This is probably the reason why no more of the money appropriated is not expended. On any other grounds it is to me unaccountable. therefore, certain that nothing can be done to render the lives and property of its citizens more secure? Can nothing be done, better to enable some of the citizens to arrest the assaults of an enemy, while others with the women and chilthe mountains? There are two or three excellent regiments of artillery in the city of New York; these men would do their duty no doubt, in case of an assault-but, I ask, what they can be expected to do, without breastworks or batteries behind which to carry on repulsive operations? There is not a single battery or other work of defence on either side of the city; nothing to prevent ships of war from anchoring deliberately on either side, and firing upon the town and throwing in hot bombs for its destruction. If in works of this kind, we should expend two or three hundred thousand dollars, and thereby enable the citizens to arrest the progress of an attack, while they are securing their wives and children, and eight or ten millions of property, I should think the money well laid out. As it is, resistance would be vain. The same honorable gentleman tells you, sir, that he does not see the cause of such anxiety at present, and has adopted this extraordinary language-that he will never consent to enter into measures of defence in time of peace. Why, sir, I always thought that a time of peace and prosperity, was the proper time to take measures of security against times of dauger. We ought to be alarmed to hear such language from sc respectable a statesman. It evinces to my mind that there is something rotten at bottom. I do not mean, sir, that there is anything corrupt; for the gentleman who uttered these sentiments is known to be an honorable and honest man. No one can respect him more than I do. What I mean is, that the principles he adopts on this occasion are without foundation, and coming from so respectable a source, they are attended with the more danger. Upon these principles, we are not to think of self-defence until the sword is lifted over our heads, and our country wrapt in flames. These principles will lead us to total inaction and degradation. But, sir, it seems that whenever a plan of this kind is proposed in this House, we are to be met constantly with the cry of expense. And now, when the sum to be granted is whittled down to almost nothing, the same plea is presented to us, of expense. It appears from a report presented to this House by the Secretary of the Treasury, that after paying the sum of about $8,000,000, for the interest, and towards the principal of the national debt, and leaving an ample sum for the current expenses of the Government, we shall have not far from $2,000,000 in the Treasury at our disposal. Instead of devising new and extraordinary ways and means for getting rid of the public money, to me it would appear better, I confess, and more to the honor of the nation, to apply it in placing our cities and seaport towns in a state of safety-in defending them, at least from the assaults of the most insignificant squadrons that sail upon the ocean. Here, too, we are met by the gentleman on my right, (Mr. SMILIE.) with a most formidable objection. Expend what you will, according to his opinion, it is impossible to erect fortifications that shall prove sufficient to defend the harbor and city of New York. He calls upon us for a plan, and tells us, that if it can be defended, to produce our plan. I do not pretend, sir, to be very wise upon this subject myself; but I have been told that the ablest engineers have examined the position, and have given it as their opinion that an effective mode of defence is practicable. But if defence is impossible, Again, the gentleman from Maryland tells us I call upon the gentleman to show wherein the that projects of this kind will lead to slavery, peculiarity of the situation of that place consists, beggary, and want, and calls upon us to look at the to render it so. For surely the pretence of im- nations of Europe to verify the assertion. If the possibility would not be made use of here, unless gentleman will prove to us that measures of this the city and harbor of New York were different kind have produced that effect in foreign counfrom all other places in the world that were ever tries, or that they will produce it in this country, defended. But have we no plan? I trust the I will lift up both my hands against them. This gentleman who urges this against us, will call to is the first time that I ever heard, that to protect mind, upon reflection, that a plan has been pre- the commerce and commercial towns of a country, sented and laid upon his table-drawn up as we would reduce the people to a state of beggary and are told by a reputable citizen of New York-ac- slavery. I believe most fully, that to leave comcording to which, that city and harbor may be merce unprotected, and thus to suffer it to be dedefended at an expense not to exceed $200,000. stroyed, will be leading our citizens in a very The truth is, that there seems to be an hostility direct road to inaction, and a state of abject meanagainst the adoption of any plan. Suppose, how-ness. But gentlemen from the South are under a ever, it should be conceded, that no plan can be devised, to render New York perfectly secure against the hostile assaults of an enemy, is it very great mistake upon this subject. There is, let me tell them, a commercial spirit in this country that cannot be suffocated. Do what we may, |