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and so unobjectionable, that I cannot but persuade myself the House will think fit to adopt it.

H. OF R.

whether we shall vest the President with the power of augmenting the navy. I would not do this, if I could help it. I regret the necessity of the measure. But consistently with the economical politics of the day, which, like the subtile principle of chemistry, caloric, pervades the whole

Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS said he was extremely surprised at the observations of the gentleman from Connecticut. He would have supposed that a regard to decency would have prevented the remarks made by him in the abence of the gentle-system, without animating it, we must, consistently man from Maryland. (Mr. NELSON,) particularly on a point to which those remarks had no relevancy. The only question before the House was whether they should vest the President of the United States with the power of increasing the naval establishment at pleasure. On examining the documents before the House, gentlemen would find there was this year a much larger sum applicable to fortifications than had been expended the last year. Of the hundred and fifty thousand dollars then appropriated only about forty-eight thousand had been expended. Consequently $102,000 remained. In addition to this sum would be

with our principles, vote for it. The Legislature of the Union will not agree to do anything. Supposing that it is true policy to do something to provide against the occurrence of danger, is it not, on the belief that danger will arise during the recess, indispensably necessary to vest this power? The system of the gentleman from Maryland is worse than the ancient system recommended by Hudibras, who says, that

"He that fights and runs away,

May live to fight another day." Whereas, according to the plan of the gentleman found an item of $75,000 in the estimates, to which from Maryland, we are to run away without it was now proposed to add $20,000, making alto-fighting at all. I hope that such a doctrine will gether near $200,000. If the Government could not expend the last year more than $48,000, would not 200,000 be amply sufficient for the present year?

ever be reprobated, and I trust, that whenever the subject comes before this House, there will be no voice heard but that of political reprobation.

Mr. LLOYD said it was not his intention to have

Mr. W. said he was decidedly hostile to vesting opened his mouth on this subject. But he had the President with a power to increase the naval always understood that it was indecorous to call establishment at will. Wherefore the necessity up a report in the absence of the Chairman. He of the Naval Peace Establishment, if it was to be would not say that this was improper in the presthus increased in this side way? Mr. W. con-ent instance. But he professed he saw no necescluded by observing that there never had, under the former Administration, been proposed a greater outrage on principle than this.

sity for it, as the Chairman was expected to return in a fortnight. But as the subject had been brought forward, would it not have been decorous Mr. MOSELY.-I never before understood that to avoid commenting on the remarks of his colit could be considered indecorous or improper to league, who had no opportunity to reply? If reply to arguments which had been stated upon however, he recollected what had been said by the floor of this House, in the absence of the gen- his colleague, he did not take the ground ascribed tleman who had advanced them. Had my opin- to him. He had only said, that, rather than incur ion corresponded with that of the gentleman from the expense of completely fortifying the coast, he South Carolina upon this subject, I might per- would give it up, retire into the interier, and dehaps have spared the remarks which seem to him pend for defence on the militia, who were unso exceptionable; had 1, indeed, noticed or recol-doubtedly the strong defence of the nation. lected the absence of the honorable gentleman from Maryland, which, if necessary, I could assure the gentleman from South Carolina that I did not until mentioned by him. But, sir, as I entertain a different opinion upon the point of order and decorum from the gentleman from South Carolina, I should consider myself justifiable in making the same remarks in the absence of the gentleman from Maryland, as I should suppose myself authorized in making were he present. Nor would the presence of that gentleman, however formidable the opposition I might in that case expect to meet with, deter me from submitting such observations as I should consider pertinent to the subject, and compatible with the rules of decorum in debate. Whether my remarks were relevant to the subject under consideration the House must decide. Mr. ELLIOT said he did not think the remarks of the gentleman from Connecticut indecorous. But he thought the remarks of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. NELSON) could not be reprobated in too strong terms.

The question before the House, said Mr. E., is

Doubtless meaning that he would in the first instance defend the seacoast as well as he could, and, if necessary, retire into the interior. This was conformable to the habits of his colleague. He had never been in the habit of running from any man. At the period to which gentlemen had alluded, he had been among the foremost to defend his country, and his gallantry, and the services he had rendered, ought to have convinced every one that he would have been the last man to skulk from danger.

Mr. LLOYD said he was not only decidedly opposed to the amendment, but likewise to both of the resolutions. He was opposed to appropriating $20,000, because he believed it would do no good. He was also opposed to the appropriation for gunboats, as they related to an experiment not yet tried. There were already sixty, for which an appropriation had been made. These are a sufficient number with which to try the experiment. Let us first determine their utility before we appropriate large sums of money; until we are satisfied of their utility, let us cease any fur

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ther appropriation. Mr. L. said it was not his habit to profess confidence in any man. In saying so, he was not to be understood as saying he had less confidence in the members of the existing Administration than many of those who talked so much about it.

Mr. ELLIOT said there was nothing further from his intention than the making a political or personal attack on the colleague of the gentleman from Maryland, whom he respected as a man, as an officer, and as a member of the House.

Mr. LLOYD said he was convinced that the ob ject of the resolutions would be as well answered two weeks hence as at present. For the purpose, therefore, of affording his colleague an opportunity of defending his remarks, and under a conviction that he was, perhaps, better informed on the subject, than any other member in the House, he moved the postponement of their further consideration till Monday fortnight.

Mr. THOMAS hoped the resolutions would not be postponed. He could not conceive there was any indecorum in calling up the resolutions in the absence of the Chairman; and if his colleague had not called them up, he should. The period of the session was late, and no time could be lost. Mr. GREGG said he should vote for the postponement, not because he thought it indecorous to proceed in this business in the absence of the Chairman; but for other reasons. One gentleman has addressed us as though we were on the eve of a war.

Mr. ELLIOT observed that he had said no such thing.

Mr. GREGG. The proper authority has advised us that our affairs with one of the European Governments with whom we have differences are in a favorable train for accommodation. There can consequently be no such apprehension from this quarter. With the other country it appears that all differences are at present waived. I believe there is no information that the negotiation is going on, but there is no statement that that nation is preparing to attack us. What reason, then, is there for apprehending a greater danger at this period than existed several years ago? It was then said that we were to have a war with another nation, and we began to raise an army, and to repair our fortifications. But the alarm subsided. We are now again told that it is necessary to repair our fortifications. But I believe they have been suffered to go out of repair, because they will not answer the purposes for which they were intended. For my part, said Mr. G., if we are to be engaged in a war, I am willing to go all the length of our means. Some years ago when it was represented that danger existed, although I entertained a different opinion, I voted, out of deference to the opinions of others, for raising the Army and fortifications; and if I thought danger really existed at the present time, I would vote for the highest sum that has been named, if gentlemen could persuade me that it would answer the end contemplated.

But my greatest objection to the amendment is, that it is an attempt to alter our naval establish

FEBRUARY, 1807.

ment in a side way. There can be no doubt but that it will entirely supersede the Navy Peace Establishment. It appears to have been thought at the last session that the number of vessels and seamen now in service, would be sufficient in time of peace. If a different opinion is now enter. tained, let the bill fixing the Peace Establishment be revised and altered; but, let us not in this side way give a power to the President at his discretion to call into service our whole naval force.

Mr. LYON declared himself also in favor of the postponement. He believed they were in danger of a war, and ought to pursue far more energetic measures than those contemplated by the resolutions under consideration.

Mr. SMILIE said if he really thought they were to have war, he should think seriously of defending the country. But he did not think that any of the gentlemen who had spoken had given any reasons for this apprehension. For his part, Mr. S. said, he did not see the least prospect of war with either of the nations alluded to. If, then, there was no danger of war, the only thing to be considered was what was required in a state of peace. Suppose our fleet was before the harbor of New York, and such an occurrence should take place as recently happened, was there not the greatest probability that a war would be the consequence; that our vessels would have attacked the Cambrian frigate, when war would have been inevitable? On this ground he was averse to arming the Navy. He was not, however, at the same time averse to putting our ports and harbors in a respectable state of defence. He believed, considering all circumstances, it would be best to postpone this subject to Monday week. He was averse to so distant a postponement as that named. Mr. LLOYD acquiesced in this modification of his motion.

Mr. MUMFORD.-In the course of debate on this subject in Committee of the Whole, my friend from Maryland, whom I respect as much as any gentleman, and who fought your battles with honor to himself, and bears honorable scars in defending his country's rights, I am sure cannot be serious when he advised the inhabitants of our seaport towns at the moment of danger to fly to the mountains, and leave all to be despoiled by the invader. I have too good an opinion of that gentleman to think he will persist in such sentiments. He would, I am persuaded, be among the first defenders to fly to our assistance; and what would he exclaim if he were told on the road the inhabitants had fled to the mountains, without making the least effort to keep the enemy at bay until their friends in the country could come to their assistance! Gentlemen are very much mistaken if they think we want expensive establishments like a Gaeta or a Gibraltar; we only ask such protection as will secure our exposed seaports from the sudden surprise of an enemy.

The gentleman from Pennsylvania, on my right, has observed, that we have no plan, and that it was impracticable to fortify New York. Another gentleman, from North Carolina, trusts he can

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FEBRUARY, 1807.

National Defence.

H. OF R.

as the nature of our Government is opposed to a standing army, so much ought we to preserve and make perfect the means of raising, organizing, and effectually directing the operations of a temporary one."

find better methods of disposing of the surplus revenue than fortifying our ports and harbors. His reasons are indeed curious. He will not protect his crop, nor even buy a key to lock his strong box, because it will cost him a few dollars and cents. I will endeavor to show the gentleman this valuable work, it will be necessary to make Before I proceed further with the extracts from from Pennsylvania that it can be defended against a few ships at least, if it cannot be from an army. Why preparatory remarks. we have not had a more ample plan offered by the celebrated Vauban, as well as Cohorn, are The system of fortifications recommended by the War Department, in order that we might vote translated into all languages, and show they are understandingly on this subject, I am unable to applicable only to land batteries, citadels, &c., say. The reasons are best known to themselves. against the attacks of an army. I believe the I think it my bounden duty to lay before the honor of improvement in marine batteries has House such imperfect information as I have been been reserved for the Marquis of Montalembert, able to collect, and must therefore beg their indul- and it is presumed justly so, as they combine sogence while I communicate the information Ilidity with durability, together with economy of have received from Lieutenant Colonel Williams, men and money. of the corps of artillerists and engineers, and President of the Military Philosophical Society of the United States, established under the auspices of the Government at West Point, State of New York; a man of solid learning, sound judgment, possessing a practical knowledge in the military art; and I feel a great satisfaction, after four and twenty years' acquaintance, to have it in my power to add my testimony, with numberless others, that he is worthy of having descended from the same stock of the late venerable sage and patriot, Dr. Franklin. He is a practical man, can execute the business he recommends, and whose plans we can safely rely on; there is nothing visionary about him. I will now beg leave to read such extracts from the transactions of that society, as appear applicable to the subject before us, and which, I think, in some measure, may be

considered as an official document:

"WEST POINT, December 20, 1806. "SIR: In conformity to the enclosed resolutions of the United States Military Philosophical Society, I have the honor of laying before you a summary view of their transactions during the year 1806.

"It cannot be too often, nor too strongly reiterated, that the best means of preserving peace is to preserve undiminished the science of war, combining general principles with local circumstances, and modes of defence with strength of position. War, by modern improvement, has become a contest of skill rather than of force; for mere physical effort, whether produced by the natural prowess of individuals, or that resulting from number, would serve only to render the victory gained by a small but compact band of scientific soldiers so much the more brilliant.

"There undoubtedly exists, scattered throughout the United States, a great proportion of military science, which is fast sliding into oblivion, as the veterans of our Revolution are themselves descending to the tomb, and the instructive researches made by many of our countrymen in their European travels probably lie buried in their cabinets. To collect these treasures into one deposit, whence they can be occasionally drawn, as the exigencies of our country may require, is the great end for which the society was instituted. The importance of this object should be strongly impressed on the minds of Americans by the consideration that the Europeans, who might become their enemies, have been instructed in the most effectual, though the dearest of all schools-actual war; and as much

From high authority I am informed it has been in contemplation with the French Government to demolish all their old marine batteries, in order to erect new ones after the plan of those recommended by Montalembert. In the seven years' war, a British fleet was repulsed off the Isle de Aix, at the mouth of the river Charonte, on which is and was erected fortifications partly after the manner of Montalembert. Extract from La Fortification_Perpendiculaire of the Marquis of Montalembert: Translated by Jonathan Williams, Lieutenant Colonel of Engineers.

OF MARINE BATTERIES.

In many instances we have experienced the inefficiency of batteries placed along a coast. Hence has arisen a contempt for this kind of defence among military and naval officers; from the imperfection of such batteries as have been erected, a prejudice has been established that the fire of ships of war will always silence that of any batteries they can lie against, and that no seaport can be so defended as to prevent ships of war from entering it.

It does not, however, follow that this must always be the case, for we presume that such batteries have hitherto been badly constructed, and indifferently armed. Every kind of warlike attack or defence ought to be completely possessed of the whole force it is capable of: but if batteries are slightly constructed; if they are not furnished with a sufficient number of guns; if greater precaution is not taken with a battery that may be approached by ships of war as near as one hundred toises, than with one that cannot be approached within five hundred, the object of such batteries has not been understood, or these circumstances of position and exposure have not been considered.

The construction of a marine battery is not so simple a thing as may have been imagined; a variety of considerations should guide the engineer in forming his plan; the nature of the soil, its elevation, the various depths of the water, the direction of the flats, the courses of the channels, currents, &c., should be taken into consideration, and influence the position, the proportions, the form and composition of works of this kind; for it is not sufficient that they should be themselves indestructible by a maritime force, they should also possess the certain power of destroying any ships that come within their shot.

Therefore the construction of marine batteries ought to be guided by the following principles, viz:

First. Cannon ball begin to take effect at the distance

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of three hundred toises, eighteen hundred feet; therefore a ship would only waste her ammunition, if she were to attack a battery at a greater distance. Second. It is established, in fortifications, that musketry cannot take effect at a greater distance than one hundred and fifty toises, nine hundred feet.

Third. Batteries on low ground, and near deep water, should not be en barbette, or without embrasures; barbette batteries being only proper in situations where large ships cannot approach near to them or when there can be but few guns mounted, and of very heavy metal, and when it is necessary to point in all directions, by turning the carriages on their pivots; but such batteries are much exposed when heavy ships can approach within musket shot.

Fourth. In all cases where an enemy has an essential object to accomplish, and batteries are designed to oppose his progress, it is better to have none, unless they are made stronger than the ships they are to repel; and we think this kind should be made wholly of mason work.

Fifth. We would, however, establish certain degrees in this respect; for it must be considered that to defend the entrance of a port of any great importance, more powerful means must be used than to defend any small harbor, since it is certain that the enemy's attack will be in proportion to the magnitude of the enterprise.

Sixth. The embrasures of seacoast batteries should be sufficiently wide to allow the axis of the bore of the gun, (which we will call the axis of the embrasure,) to form a horizontal angle of twenty-five degrees. Now the tangent of twenty-five degrees, to a radius of three hundred toises in length, is one hundred and forty toises, which determines the space commanded by half the embrasure to this distance. In like manner when the ship shall be in a perpendicular line at one hundred and fifty toises distance, (the length of musket shot,) the half embrasure will discover a space of seventy

toises.

Seventh. Let us suppose a coast that is in a right line, as well as the flats under water which determine the edge of the channel in the distance of three hundred toises from the coast. In this case, supposing the bow of the ship to be in the channel, at less than one hundred and forty toises from the axis of the first embrasure, it will be seen at that instant along the side of the embrasure at three hundred and thirty-one toises distance, that being the secant of this angle, to a radius of three hundred toises; then this would be the greatest distance at which the battery should fire.

Eighth. It is clear from the foregoing, that when a ship is sailing along a coast which, as well as its battery, is in a right line, it will be exposed from the first moment it is within one hundred and forty toises of the axis of the first embrasure, until it shall be one hundred and forty toises from the last, in addition to the length of the ship, in every point of that line; and, supposing the battery to have twenty-four pieces, and the ship to have thirty toises in length, she will have to pass through three hundred and forty-six toises of constant fire, before she can be out of cannon shot.

Ninth. The width of the merlons leaves no space that cannot be seen at the distance mentioned. The lines of fire from embrasures that are three toises, or eighteen feet distant from each other, and with an opening not twenty degrees, cross about eight toises and three feet from the summit of their angle; deducting therefrom the thickness of the parapet, there will be left five toises from the exterior part, for the distance at which the fire crosses. When the summit of the

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angles of each embrasure are but nine feet distant from each other, and the opening at the exterior subtends an angle of fifty degrees, the lines of fire will cross at nine feet six inches from the summit of the angle; deducting from this six feet for the thickness of the wall, and the distance from the centre of the cannon's motion, there will remain but two feet eight inches for the distance from the exterior part of the wall to the point of intersection of the crossing fires. From the foregoing it appears impossible that even a boat could escape with impunity.

Tenth. If a ship were to keep out of the fire of such battery, her distance must be more than three hundred and thirty toises, as we have shown. Now, at this distance no ship, not even a fleet could injure a battery of this description to any important degree; and in case there were mortars in the battery, the advantage of such a cannonade would probably be on the side of the battery.

Eleventh. But if the channel were at one hundred and fifty toises from the battery, it would be necessary to remedy by its construction the disadvantage to which it is exposed by its position. This is the great object of the art of fortification. In such a case the tangent of the angle of twenty-five degrees would only be seventy, and its secant one hundred and sixty-five toises. A ship, then, by getting springs on its cables, in a position between two embrasures, might be out of the sight of either, and, without receiving one shot, might attack the post with its whole broadside. It might advance close to the battery, and, by the musketry from its tops, might clear the ramparts of every man. This has been the case in all those instances where forts have been so easily destroyed by ships of war, and it is this which we flatter ourselves we have completely remedied in the manner hereafter explained.

Twelfth. Every battery which is liable to be approached by large ships at the distance of one hundred and fifty toises should be built entirely of mason work and casemated. It should be casemated to be protected from the fire of musketry from the ships' tops, and of mason work to resist the force of artillery, also to permit a nearer position of the guns, and a greater angle to the embrasures.

Thirteenth. In general, marine batteries should be terminated in circular form, so that there may be no point within the reach of cannon shot, where a ship might ride without being exposed to their fire; this, however, is not necessary on the land side.

Fourteenth. Such batteries should have several tier of guns, like the ship against which they are to act, and the guns should be as near to each other as they are in a ship of war; they should be plentifully supplied with covered musketry, in points where they can be approached within musket shot, and then the ships and not the battery would have the most to fear from an attack.

Fifteenth. In short, every battery should have a defence peculiar to itself. It should not be susceptible of being, as it were, seized by the throat; its resistance should be in every direction from which an attack is possible, and it should have an imposing artillery on the land as well as on the sea side.

Note by the Translator.

These principles are displayed by an annexed plan, elevation, and section. In the plan, two towers, with the regular bases, are connected by a curtain at a distance from centre to centre of sixty toises, with lines of fire from the towers in every direction by sea and

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land, while on the latter side it is completely defended by all the known rules of the art of fortification; the towers are covered by a circular parapet, which is bomb proof, and, while it commands all around, it protects all below.

This plan is upon too small a scale to show the openings for the musketry in the elevation; the number of cannon in a given space may be counted, and it will be thereby seen that, in ordinary batteries of one line, when the distance from each gun is eighteen feet, for every shot such a battery could fire, these towers and curtain would fire six, occuping only the same space of ground, and this without counting the cannon that might be mounted on the top of the whole. Behind every aperture for small arms is an apartment for two or more soldiers, so that this work is at once a fort and barracks; the section displays the interior, with the arches in profile, according to the lines of vision in perspective, and the circular apertures above give free passage to the smoke, which has ample room to spread itself among the arches. The representation of a broken partition discovers the soldiers' apartment. A superior figure describes a detached tower.

The works of the Marquis of Montalembert, (ten volumes quarto,) it is believed, have not yet appeared in English, and the copy from which the foregoing was translated, is probably the only one in American hands. They were imported for the use of the Military Academy, and make a valuable portion of its library.

H. OF R.

which can be fired from the requisite space in any fortification now existing in this country, without extending that space, and, of course, without additional foundation, six guns may be fired. That is, the guns are twice as near to each other, and instead of one there are three tiers, all bomb proof, arched over each embrasure, or rather port hole, and capable of containing a complement of men all under cover. In going over a hasty translation of part of this work, some inaccuracies may have occurred, but the observations are believed to be substantially correct.

This plan is presumed to be solid, durable, and proportionate to the end desired; but it cannot be carried into effect without money; and as I have always understood money was the sinews of war, and as I am not disposed to sit down quietly with folded arms, despise my enemy, and cry peace, peace, when there is no certainty how long it may continue, I am for adopting a broad and liberal policy, by extending the arm of national defence throughout the whole Union, and inspire our fellow-citizens with confidence in their Government and in themselves, by knowing when and where their arms are to be found; and being prepared for war, will be the sure means of permanently securing your peace. I do, therefore, hope this House will exercise their own sober judgment, and then I am persuaded they will be convinced that the sum of twenty thousand dollars, filled up in this bill, for the fortifications of all our exposed ports and harbors is totally inadequate to the desired object-I mean all the ports, because some gentlemen seem to carry the idea that the appropriation is for the city of New York alone. I mention this circumstance, supposing it might be the idea of other gentlemen, I was advocating for that city exclusively. Sir, I disdain such a narrow policy. I have come here to promote the best interests of this Union, by pursuing magnanimous and liberal views, and in defending our seacoasts, ports, and harbors, do conceive I am carrying that object into effect, together with such other general measures as may appear proper to pursue, and which the exigencies of our common country may require.

I now come to the grand question-What will be the cost of this plan of fortification? Montalembert calculates the whole at 2,500 cubic tcises solid masonry, which, reduced to our measure, comes very near 25,000 perches-say, that about $160,000 will be sufficient to build a fortification capable of firing one hundred and twenty guns at each discharge upon one and the same object. It cannot be denied that marine batteries, constructed on these principles, must unite the greatest advantages. The four tier of the courtine, which unite the towers, contain 96 pieces of cannon; so that, by including the fire from the towers, a passing ship would receive 120 shot at every discharge throughout the whole space it would have to pass in a right line; the extent of the space, if the ship were at 400 yards, would be 360 yards; if at 600 yards distance, the ship would be exposed to such a fire during the time of sailing 512 Shall it be said, and go abroad in our nation, yards. The passage, then, between two such bat- that the Congress of the United States approteries, one on each side of the Narrows-that is,priated $20,000 to build a custom-house in New between the Reef and Signal hill, is but about Orleans, and only $30,000 in defence of fourteen 1,300 or 1,400 yards, so that, coming with bows in, hundred miles of seacoast, on which are situated and sailing through, a ship would be exposed at her most populous cities, for the reception of the once to both batteries, of 240 shot at each dis- surplus productions of her soil; and that the farmcharge-the men all the while covered. It must ers, the planters, and the cultivators of that soil also be considered that no more disciplined troops would not afford protection to their own property would be required than merely to take care of the deposited in those places for safe-keeping and a place and keep it in order, for the militia artillery market? To me it is incomprehensible, unless I companies could answer any supply of men want- should indulge the idea that the enemies of your ed, when fighting became necessary. This work peace and tranquillity have, by their slander sand will be better than any that has hitherto been ex-impositions upon the well-meaning citizens of the ecuted, and if it should prove to be such as we are assured it will be, the grand desideratum of fortifying our ports with great efficacy combined with great economy will be gained.

It is evident from the plan of such a work, which I have seen in the original, that from a gun

interior of the nation, represented the inhabitants of your cities as actuated by sinister views, and that they only wanted jobs to make money; nothing can be more illiberal, they are friends from choice, and from one of the strongest of all motives, the mutual interest they have in the pros

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