subject of war. As already remarked, the English are said to suffer in this way-in spite of the fine spirit of philanthropy they have developed in other things. And there are signs that we, too, have become infected. Ten years ago it would have seemed incredible that we should soon be reading from day to day, with so much composure, the operations of our soldiers in the Philippines. Perhaps our Indian wars and our Spanish war prepared us for it. At all events, such is one effect of taking up "the white man's burden."

In spite of the happy new friendliness between us and the English, it is difficult to avoid the apprehension that our new departure increases seriously the danger of collision between the two nations. When, in our late war with Spain, it had become clear that we had the sympathy of the English, a jocose friend of mine remarked: “Well, I am glad to see that the two great Anglo-Saxon nations, recognizing a common tendency to grab everything in sight, are beginning to draw together." The remark was suggestive as well as humorous. How if the two should some day happen to grab for the same thing? In imperialism as in other things, perhaps more than in other things, one step leads on to another. Russia shows this; England shows it; France and Germany show it. We have already shown it and shall undoubtedly continue to do so.

France withdrew from Fashoda-a wise and proper coursefor she had made a mistake in going there. But who can be quite sure that we should do the same in the like case? What would our many editors say? What would our congressmen say? Judging by the past, their sayings would probably be neither wise nor peaceable. The moral is obvious. The two great English-speaking democracies, the two lands of ordered liberty and law, on whose continued friendliness the hopes of the future so greatly depend, have probably increased the risk of angry collision. The only remedy is a comprehensive arbitration treaty. The present friendliness offers a precious opportunity for making one. As the failure of the last effort was by our action, it would be fitting that the renewed attempt should begin with us. S. M. MACVANE.

Harvard University.

THE POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF CITY GROWTH.

UNTIL quite recently the attention of students of municipal

affairs has been directed almost exclusively to the governmental and administrative aspects of the municipal problem. Largely owing to this fact, the deeper significance of many of the changes directly traceable to the increase of urban population has been lost sight of. A more thorough appreciation of the changes in the conditions of life and action which city growth involves is a matter of more than scientific interest, for in it the whole question of municipal progress is included.

It is possible to examine the political influence of cities from several different points of view. We may inquire into the effects of city life upon the political thought and action of the city population; or we may trace the influence of cities upon the political life of the nation. These two questions may best be examined separately, as they deal with essentially different problems, the one requiring a psychological inquiry, the other an examination of political relations.

As regards the first question, it is evident that we have to deal with the influence of the environment upon the feelings, instincts, and desires of the individual and of the group. An analysis of the conditions of city life gives evidence of certain definite influences which will ultimately develop a type of city thought and action clearly distinguishable from that of the rural districts. That the progress of differentiation is not further advanced is due mainly to the fact that the traditions and habits of thought of modern nations have been developed under the conditions of rural life. It is necessary, therefore, to counteract this social inheritance before the process of adaptation to the conditions of city life can proceed very far. Many, if not most of the defects of modern city life, are directly traceable to this lack of harmony between the instincts and standards of conduct of the individual and the conditions of the environment. A comparison between the inhabitants of the country and the city at the present time, while it gives evidence of certain marked dif

ferences, shows but the beginning of a far more radical transformation through which coming generations of city inhabitants must pass.

It is evident that the mere fact of a change of environment from rural to urban conditions is certain to work profound changes in our political ideals. The disintegrating effect of a new environment upon accepted traditions and formulae is one of the fundamental laws of social change. The transition from rural to city life has acted as a solvent of this kind. In fact, so powerful has been its influence in this direction, that many thinkers have ascribed to city life a purely destructive role-undermining all accepted ideas, traditions and beliefs. Such a generalization is both hasty and premature, but is readily explained by the fact that up to the present time the conspicuous function of city life has been to break down the social and political standards developed under rural conditions. To take a concrete instance :during the early period of our national development the conditions of rural life strengthened that negative attitude of the American people towards government which we inherited from the English struggle with the Crown. We have been accustomed to regard protection of property rights as the real and usually the only legitimate field of governmental action. Beyond these limits State activity is called State "interference”—an encroachment upon the liberty of the individual. It is comparatively easy to explain this attitude when we consider the character of the early settlers. In any new country the pioneers are, by a process of natural selection, the most energetic and independent. They constitute a population trained to depend upon themselves and with little sympathy for schemes involving governmental coöperation. With them, intense individualism finds unquestioned acceptance. But with increasing density of population new standards of governmental action are forced upon the community. One of the first effects is to make apparent the necessity of public regulation in the interest of the public health and morals. The patent facts of every-day life demonstrate the evils of unrestrained individual liberty, which is the first step towards a broader interpretation of the regulative function of government. The closer interdependence of the individuals of the community, the fact that the activity of each affects the wel

fare of the whole at so many points, must necessarily influence the standards of individual liberty. This is the first and the most important point of contact between the political ideas and the social activity of the community. The political principle of non-interference with individual activity— so dear to the Anglo-Saxon-cannot receive the same acceptance in the city as in the country. The change in attitude towards governmental activity is one forced upon the community by the conditions of city life. The evils resulting from unregulated development are so numerous and press with such weight upon all classes that the modification of political ideas takes place with relatively little friction. It first finds expression where the pressure for the extension of governmental control is greatest, viz., in the matter of sanitary regulations.

The next step in the development of a new concept of governmental action begins with the undermining of faith in the effectiveness of free competition as a guarantor of efficient service and regulator of progress. No one who has followed the trend of opinion in the large cities of the United States can have failed to observe the gradual awakening to the limitations of free competition. The facts of corporate combination and consolidationparticularly in such quasi-public services as the street-railway, gas and water supply-have done more to bring about a truer appreciation of the relation of the community to industrial action, than any amount of discussion or argumentation. American communities have at first dealt with every one of these services on the basis of free competition. Under this plan, short periods of low prices and indifferent service have led to combination or consolidation, with the high cost incident to inflated capitalization. Lessons such as these have profoundly influenced the political thinking of our urban communities. There is no longer the same distrust of all positive governmental action so characteristic of the early decades of the century and still finding expression in the rural population.

A further step in the development of political thought directly traceable to the influence of city life, is closely connected with this growing appreciation of the nature of the city environment and of the reactive influence of such environment upon the popu

lation. The conditions of life in the city are capable of indefinite modification through the action of individuals or through the concerted action of the community. The history of every large city bears testimony to the possibilities of radical changes in environment conditions, changes which have profoundly affected the health, morals and welfare of the community.

The general appreciation of the tremendous power at the disposal of the community cannot help but exert a strong influence upon the political ideas of the urban population. The rapid extension of municipal functions during the last few years is an indication of a marked change of attitude towards the municipality. This does not necessarily mean that we are approaching a period of municipal socialism in the ordinary acceptation of the term, although the tendency is certainly in that direction at the present time. Ultimately, the industrial activity of the municipality may be relatively less than it is at the present time. The change in political ideas will be in the direction of demanding of the municipality the physical conditions for the best utilization of the industrial possibilities of the individual and for the gratification of his æsthetic tastes. Perfect sanitation, a good water supply, and a cheap and efficient system of transportation will be regarded as rights instead of desirable privileges.

While these changes in the attitude of the population towards government constitute the most important of the consequences directly traceable to the influence of city life, there are unmistakable indications of important modifications in our standards of governmental structure due to the same set of causes. The organization of our government-national as well as Statehas been determined by a political philosophy inherited from the English Whigs of the eighteenth century. The central thought of this philosophy is the belief in a governmental mechanism acting through "checks and balances" and designed to prevent the abuse of power. Concerted action between the various organs of government was what the English middle class of the eighteenth century feared most. It was felt that the individual could only be protected from the tyranny of government by allowing one organ of government to check and even counteract the action of another. Division of power was regarded as essential to the