and its development, based largely on von Gneist, and several chapters on education. These last illustrate the merits and one of the faults of the book. The chapter on elementary education is extremely well done. A clear idea is given of the present organization of the primary school system, with all its complications caused by the existence together of private and public, religious and lay instruction; the present organization is explained by tracing it back to its origins in the early part of the century, and an appreciation of the progress made is combined with a criticism of the weaknesses still existing. The chapter on popular movements in education (university extension, university settlements, the Working Men's College, etc.) is well done too, and is appropriate. But there seems to be no excuse for the inclusion of much in the chapter on higher education, given up to a description of the life of the upper classes in the large public schools and at Oxford and Cambridge. The book was really written at different times and for different purposes, parts of it for lectures for the Gehestiftung, and parts for insertion in newspapers and reviews more or less serious in character. It has been worked over to a considerable extent, but still shows a lack of unity in its composition, and the different chapters tend too much to take on the character of unconnected essays. The authorities followed are set forth in a nine page list that serves as a bibliography, and are discussed in a brief special chapter; they are not referred to in the foot-notes to support specific facts. They range all the way from Blue Books and documents of the Labour Department of the Board of Trade to the sketches of Richard Harding Davis, and the stories of Mrs. Ward and R. C. Lehmann. Considerable use is made of original material, especially that of recent date, but it is largely for the purpose of illustration, and the author follows in the main the lines laid down by previous writers (the Webbs, de Roussiers, Brentano, von Schulze-Gaevernitz, Booth, Haw, etc.), simply setting their conclusions off against each other and checking them by occasional reference to the more important sources. The lighter literature, represented by the examples cited above, is used with tact and discretion. It should be noted that the author spent half a year in England, studying from life the conditions and institutions about which he writes, and the book gives evidence that the time was well applied. The plan of the work can be illustrated by reference to the chapter on trade unions, which covers about eighty pages. There is first a discussion of the aims professed and realized by existing unions, then follow a description of their organization and a sketch of their history. About thirty pages are devoted to a criticism of their workings, and of the relations of members to different classes in the outside world. The chapter closes with a review of legislation that forms an excellent brief history of the attitude taken toward the unions by the public authority. The author is not always so successful in the difficult task of summarizing a long series of laws, and is apt to run into too much detail when the ground has not been so thoroughly prepared for him by the work of others. The most interesting chapter in the book is the last, in which the author reviews the progress made by the working classes, and generalizes from the facts that he has presented. The three conclusions on which he lays the greatest stress are the following: that the poor, so far from growing poorer according to the theory of Marx, have gained, and gained most in the classes that were once the poorest (textile workers and miners); that the progress is a sum of contributions made at many different times and from many different sources; finally, that this progress has been influenced but not determined by the economic development, and that the rise of the laboring classes, though attended by class conflicts, has not depended upon them. The opposition to the materialistic doctrines of the German socialists is apparent. The three agents (Hauptträger) of the progress of the lower classes he finds in the government, in the associations of laborers, and in the upper classes. Of especial interest is the influence ascribed to members of the upper classes, who are shown to have been of the very greatest importance in the political and social development of the past, and of whom the author makes one of the main factors in the problems of the future. The book is provided with a table of contents, of satisfactory fullness, but ill supplied with page references. The publisher's work is well done; the worst fault is the misspelling of English proper names, Marschall, Burn Jones, Loyd Jones, Tindall, (Sir James) Steffen, etc. Yale University. CLIVE DAY. War and Labor. By'Michael Anitchkow. New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1900-8vo, xii, 578 pp. The author in the early pages notes that there are two tendencies in modern life. One of them is in the increased preparation for war, which was never so great as at the present day among the nations of Europe. On the other hand, there is the larger coöperation between nations in the fields of science, fine arts and means of communication. From both of these tendencies there is drawn an argument for the abolition of war. One is that war will kill war: that the expense will gradually become so great and the loss of life so fearful owing to inventions in weapons, that it will be practically out of the question to resort to armed strife. On the other hand, it is claimed that coöperation will proceed until at last war will be It is not likely that war will be abolished simply because the effects of it are bloody. "War will disappear in the same way as slavery disappeared, not from causes that depend very little or not at all on the human will, but from the effects of conscious efforts made with a view to eradicating from contemporary life much that at present breeds and nourishes enmity among civilized nations." Various schemes have been advanced that are to bring the reign of universal peace. Diplomacy, congresses, embargo and peaceful blockade, but above all arbitration, have been in turn thought to solve the problem, but all are doomed to failure. Much has already been done to lessen the horrors of war, but selfishness rather than enlightened humanitarianism is at the basis of these attempts. The formation of an international tribunal to settle all disputes is not likely to appear for some time, and if established now would fail from lack of power to enforce its decrees. Wars will occur no more from disputes as to dynastic succession, to preserve the balance of power, from racial or religious differences, but rather must we look to territorial disagreements and trade rivalry. Tariff regulations and immigration laws are continually causing ill-feeling, and we must not hope for continued peace before these are abolished. "Free frontiers" is then the watchword of the volume, and with this in view the growth of the idea of free trade is traced in considerable detail. What revenue is needed could be gained from stamp-taxes and excise, while the cordon of tariff stations could be abolished. The author is convinced that the doctrine of Malthus is entirely wrong, and that there is no longer any danger from over-population, since he sees that in time all nations will come to the condition of France to-day with her stationary population. Listen to his words: "The actual law of population may be expressed thus: With the attainment of relative welfare, with the development of education, and the strengthening of individual freedom, the population of every state has a tendency towards a slow yearly decrease." Yes, rather than believe in a rapidly increasing population, would he voice this melancholy prophecy: "The future of mankind is pictured, not in the form of a gigantic struggle for existence of milliards of people, but in the sad lot of the last man, who, gathering together his vanishing forces, sets the symbol of Redemption over his grave, which no one will be left to close for him." The strongest portion of the work is where the obligation of the government to the workman is considered: that the stability of the monetary unit must be preserved, and the property rights of all of the people guarded. From the fact that the communication-rent continually increases, it is argued that the government should purchase all of the railways within its boundary. He outlines a plan by which this could, in his estimation, be done with little inconvenience to the state treasury. But, not content with this inauguration, he advances to a conception which, to say the least, is somewhat radical. He would have a legal maximum placed upon the amount of real estate which it shall be allowable for any one man to hold. Those who possess more than this amount shall sell the surplus to the state, which shall then divide the property into small parcels to be rented to the poor. Moreover, no one in the future shall be allowed to acquire more than the maximum allowed by law. He thinks the change to this system could be effected with little difficulty. The result of this would be greater happiness and an increased population, although earlier in the work we see that the population of all states is bound to decrease. The historical portion of the work, which comprises, possibly, a half of the volume, is of especial interest, and shows Mr. Anitchkow to be a man of wide sympathies. The frequent references to the United States are generally accurate, but exception must be taken to his history of paper money in this country prior to the Civil war, since he would lead us to think that the system of New York State was generally adopted throughout the country. The proof-reading was generally evidently carelessly done. The following sentence will prove this. "Hedley in his Railroad Transportation said that freights were lower in the United States than anywhere else, and on the average were one and a quarter per cent. per ton mile." Yale University. WM. B. BAILEY. Charlemagne (Charles the Great). H. W. Carless Davis. New The series of Heroes of the Nations has waited long for its biography of Charles the Great or Charlemagne-perhaps the delay was due in part to the difficulty of selecting one of these names for the title, when the choice of one was bound to provoke criticism, perhaps abuse, from the adherents of the other. Mr. Davis has put both names upon his title page, which is probably the best way of meeting the dilemma. In much the same fashion he has met another inevitable difficulty, that of deciding just what nation it is that is entitled to lay claim to the great ruler. In the sub-title he is denominated "The Hero of Two Nations"; if advocates of the exclusive rights of either are not satisfied with the share thus conceded to them they will find still less comfort when they reach one of the closing passages of the book. "He was not a Frenchman; he was not a German . . . He belonged, in fact, to no nation of modern growth, but to the only nation which, in his day, deserved the name, to that nation in which local and racial differences were suppressed or transcended,-to the nation of the Catholic Church The civilization which he fostered was catholic, like his - religion, and the patrimony of Christendom at large." The author's plan, as announced in the preface, is to give an idea of the Emperor's personality and of his influence upon European history, restricting the discussion of institutional developments to the points most directly connected with his career. All of the three elements of the book indicated in the plan receive fair treatment, but the author seems to have put most of his pains on elucidating political history in which Charlemagne was an actor; his relations with the rulers of the Lombards and the Bavarians, the motives for his expeditions into Spain and against the Avars, his relations with the Pope, including the vexed questions of the renewal of Pepin's donation and of the imperial coronation,-all these are discussed in considerable detail. They are difficult questions, and the considerable place that they take up in the book makes it suited to the use of advanced students rather than of beginners. Though the author does not make the discussion of these questions as interesting as the other parts of his book, he does inspire confidence in his ability to handle them. He appears to be conversant with all the more important primary and secondary authorities, and has a thorough appreciation of their relative values. He shows a decided talent in giving color to his story by quotations from letters and from later |