experience of so many different peoples. The index is a good one, and materially increases the usefulness of the book. The authorities consulted seem, however, to be rather meagre, and, as indicated by the references, they are not very recent. For example, not an original American authority is referred to in the chapter relating to the United States. Three books by German authors, dated respectively 1879, 1886 and 1890, an English author's book on the United States, and one review of an American book by a German periodical, seem to comprise the sources relied upon for presenting our contribution to this comprehensive movement. The book, nevertheless, should serve well the popular purpose for which it was evidently intended.

Washington, D. C.

JOHN FRANKLIN CROWELL.

The Referendum in America, together with some chapters on the History of the Initiative and other phases of popular government in the United States. By Ellis Paxson Oberholzer, Ph.D. New York: Scribner's Sons, 1900-430 pp.

Dr. Oberholzer's earlier essays on law-making by popular vote in the United States had revealed to American scholars the wide extent to which, in their own country, the practice of direct legislation had attained. The present essay is entirely rewritten and very largely extended, and certain chapters are added. Altogether, it constitutes an exhaustive and authentic account of everything in American politics which tends towards direct participation of the voters themselves in legislation, and the addition of a complete index makes it a wholly satisfactory handbook on the subject.

The first half of the book is devoted to constitution-making, and herein the author follows closely the work of Judge Jameson, although making himself, as elsewhere, familiar with the original The first two chapters, containing a comparison of the work of John Adams and Benjamin Franklin in framing the constitutions of Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, furnish an interesting introduction to the general subject. The lesson drawn from these experiences is that the popular features in Franklin's government were so inconsistent with the representative principle, that after a few years of trial, Pennsylvania turned to the more aristocratic model set by Adams in Massachusetts. At the same time, the development of one hundred and twenty years has been gradually returning

to the ideal set by Franklin, although in a different form, namely, the participation of the people, not in a meddlesome interference with the legislature, but in constitutional restrictions on the legislature established by popular vote.

Besides constitutional amendments, the author describes in great detail the movement in all the States towards direct legislation in the two fields,-statutes of general operation and bills affecting local government. In the former field, not much is to be said, but in the latter is required nearly one-half the space of the book. This includes the local referendum on the scope and form of local government; on loan bills and financial proposals; on local option liquor laws, and "vexed" questions; on city charters. Finally, a chapter is added on the Initiative, which the author finds is not an importation from Switzerland, but had been gradually introduced on many local questions long before the corresponding practice in Switzerland was known to Americans. Yet the Swiss form of the Initiative is now creating a new extension of the same principle, as is shown by the laws adopted since the time when Oberholzer first wrote on the subject, ten years ago.

The author has given only what may be called the formal side of the referendum in America; he has told us everything as to its gradual introduction and the extent to which it has reached. He has not attempted to describe its workings nor to pass judgment upon its merits.

New York.

JOHN R. COMMONS.

The History of Colonization, from the earliest times to the present day. By Henry C. Morris. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1900, 2 vols., pp. xxiv, 459, 383.

It is the aim of these volumes to bring within reach of the ordinary reader the results of the studies which have been made on nearly all phases of colonization. The need of a work of this scope has long been urgent. Payne's excellent little book on “European Colonies" was written twenty-five years ago, before the recent important development of the modern colonial systems took place, and, besides, Payne gave a disproportionate share of attention to the later history of the revolted Spanish colonies. Lucas's "Introduction to the Historical Geography of the British Colonies," admirable review though it is of the whole subject, is too brief to be other than an introduction.

Accordingly, it is with unusual interest that one turns to the work of Mr. Morris.

There is possibly some surprise at the discovery that, although his serious interest in the history of colonies dates only from the Spanish war, he has undertaken the comprehensive task of dealing with the whole subject, from the days of Tyre to the latest seizure in China. His use of authorities excites distrust. It was not to be expected that he should go much to the original sources, but the references to secondary works show scarcely any consciousness of the different value of books. The same weight is given to the latest popularizer, to anonymous articles in the "Annual Cyclopaedia," as to Leroy-Beaulieu and to Roscher. Names of books are thrown together indiscriminately in the footnotes, although their statements are not each based on an independent source. One of the authorities cited repeatedly is Cantu, "Istoria Universale," a brilliant but unreliable work, first published in 1837. Just how such a work came to be an authority on colonial history is not suggested. It is quoted, for example, upon the "Culture System in Java." Money's "Java, or How to Manage a Colony," is also treated as an authority, although Dr. Clive Day showed in this REVIEW a year ago that it was untrustworthy. Mr. Morris knows the book only through Ireland's account of it in his "Tropical Colonization."

An adequate treatment of the history of colonization is beset by peculiar difficulties, arising out of the complexity of the subject. There is no experiment in administration, no problem of trade or finance that has not been illustrated in this phase of the development of civilization. The subject has little natural unity. Many of its incidents gain their significance from their relation to the contemporanous history of Europe. It can become intelligible only if the larger lines of change and progress are kept constantly in sight. The reader is searching for a book after the manner of Seeley's "Expansion of England," a book which shall illumine the subject; instead of this he finds a series of loosely constructed encyclopaedia articles, treating the earlier phases of the subject with much detail, and the later period in a fragmentary way, and often by statistical tables. One could gain hardly a notion of the great change that came over colonial systems between 1750 and 1850.

The very complexity of the subject should suggest that it is dangerous to sum up so diverse an experience into a set of "General Principles," and yet this is what Mr. Morris has done in his preliminary chapter. One of his most lucid conclusions is as follows:

"Political economists lay down the rule that the language and laws of state and colony must be uniform. This question is of special import when the land to be colonized is already inhabited by a race somewhat above the level of barbarism. It means, then, that much greater energies must be put forth to supplant the existing statutes, dialects, and customs by new ideas of justice, a different tongue, and reformed manners, than would be required to train minds undrilled in any school. . . . Whatever be the degree of intellectual advancement in the dependency, its native citizens must be taught to respect the institutions of their protectors." It would be difficult to find anywhere a more naïve attempt to raise to the dignity of a fundamental principle the stupid and cruel policy of complete benevolent assimilation, a policy which intelligent statesmen long ago repudiated. Many of the other "Principles" are less dangerous, but in another way they are more surprising. For example: "The soil of the colony must be new, it must be fallow to the ploughshare; forests should exist and rivers be plentiful; fish and game should be unlimited . . . salubrious latitudes, free from fevers and pestilences, are the most easily colonized." "Thrift is the necessary complement of activity; afar from his fatherland and friends, the colonist must accumulate for his old age and for the support of his family .. Without these intrinsic qualifications on the part of their founders, outposts will never grow into towns; public improvements will never be constructed not to mention any of the other durable, material, social and intellectual institutions which are to be generated in a nascent colony." How all this illumines the imagination!

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The body of the work does not reveal a mastery of details. The author seems to be at the mercy of his authorities. For example, on page 260, relying upon a statement in Hume's "Spain," he says, "The establishment of the colonies gave a strong impetus to industry. To supply with manufactured products these new markets aroused the greatest energy throughout Spain. Not only sailors on the sea found steady employment, but workmen in every department felt the influence of the American demand." But on page 265, from Zimmerman and Leroy-Beaulieu, he explains that the Spaniards "commenced to disdain industry. Those engaged in manufactures were said to be employed in 'low and base occupations."" The same failure to understand his authorities has led to confusing remarks about the "New Laws" of Charles V. and about the treatment of the natives. The revolt of the Spanish colonies is misconceived.

They did not seize "the opportunity which they had evidently been long and expectantly awaiting"; they were faithful to the cause of the deposed Ferdinand VII, until the stupidity of the Spanish juntas destroyed their loyalty to Spain.

For such reasons this work is disappointing, and doubly so, for it is not a happy task to criticize unfavorably the results of wellintentioned, painstaking effort.

Western Reserve University.

HENRY E. BOURNE.