Furthermore, this special theory, and indeed Mr Lang's entire hypothesis, rests on the assumption that the maternal form of social organization is everywhere prior to the paternal. As he does this largely for the reason that no English ethnologists, when the major part of this book was written, admitted a contrary opinion, not so much fault can be found with him personally. It might be well to inform him, however, that, if we are to understand by a maternal system the clan systems of southeastern Australia and of America, the position is one from which American students of the younger generation will certainly dissent. The reviewer has taken this subject up in a brief contribution to the American Anthropologist and hopes to elaborate the evidence later. Suffice it to say (1) that the maternally organized tribes in that portion of North America embraced in the United States and the British territories are precisely those which are in other particulars most advanced, and (2) that areas occupied by maternally organized tribes appear to have been gaining on the others previous to white contact. Does either of these circumstances argue anything "primitive" in the maternally organized clan ?

Another noteworthy point and one which will strike American students of Indian society with astonishment, is Mr Lang's apparent inability to understand the method of inheriting property under a clan system with female descent. He thinks, it appears, that there is no proof that a man conveys his badge to his sister's children. This statement will certainly amuse anyone who has studied the tribes of the north Pacific coast for a single month - I might almost say for a single week. A badge, name, or any mark of distinction obtained by any male among the Haida, Tlingit, and Tsimshian, for example, passes to his sister's son and is, or may be, continued on in this manner indefinitely. The contrary can hardly be maintained without accusing every anthropologist who has worked in this area of falsifying the facts.

American views of the origin of totemism, instead of being embodied in the main part of the work, are treated in an appendix in which Mr Hill-Tout appears as the principal American champion.

We believe that many of the difficulties which Mr Lang and Mr HillTout experience in arguing together are due to the fact that each is attempting to explain the origin of social institutions everywhere by reference to a specific region. Of this offense the English school of sociologists must be held especially culpable, for they have been the earliest and longest offenders. Had they devoted their energies to a solution of the origin of totemism among Australian tribes, using mater

ial from other parts of the world simply as suggestions, much more good might have been accomplished, and American students could take little exception to their work. But when the thesis is set up, as it seems to be by the above writer, that in determining the social evolution of a few tribes in southeastern Australia the question of social evolution all over the world has been put at rest, Mr Hill-Tout or any other sociologist has the right to call a halt. While not attempting to support the latter gentleman in all his contentions, which have resulted, however, from most praiseworthy investigations among the Salish tribes of British Columbia, the following points may decidedly be affirmed: (1) There is every evidence that the crests of the Haida, Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Heiltsuk originated from chiefs who transmitted them to their nephews, and proof nearly absolute that some of them were so obtained. (2) While it is not always certain that these crests came from personal manitus, the method by which most of them are said to have been acquired is identical with the method of acquirement of the personal manitu. (3) Though these crests may be said to be distinct from totems, in some tribes, notably the Tlingit, their manner of occurrence resembles in a remarkable manner the occurrence of totems. The fact that totems are found where the personal manitu is wanting need not trouble us, for the personal manitu in its typical form is also wanting among tribes on the north Pacific coast. Some having become hereditary may have tended to extinguish the use of others.

Phratry names in this area originated in an antiquity too remote for us now to penetrate, and by the people themselves they are carried back to the beginning of all things. It may be interesting for Mr Lang to know, however, that the Raven crest among the Haida is on the Eagle side instead of the Raven, and, if it is to be accepted as a totem, hardly fits into his hypothesis according to which the phratry should be found named after an animal which is a totem on the same side.

Finally Mr Lang maintains that totemic names were originally nicknames, or names of a similar character, originally applied by outsiders and ultimately adopted by the clan itself. On this point the evidence from American tribes is again rather unfavorable. The bands of which many tribes are composed bear local names or names recording some real or supposed event in their history, or perhaps some supposed characteristic of the people. Many of these last resemble nicknames, though usually not such as attach any slight to the persons upon whom they are bestowed. Now, a few of these are names of animals or refer to animals, and we are not to exclude the possibility that bands possessing such may have evolved

into clans and the nickname into a totem. This, however, is not certainly known to have occurred. In the few cases where tribes appear to be in process of becoming totemic it is unfortunate that no nicknames involving animals appear. In all such cases a local designation is used side by side with a characteristic totem or crest which seems to be in process of replacing it, and this latter is evidently already religious in character, connected with the animistic views of nature common to all our primitive tribes.

It is unfortunate that Mr Lang had been unable to use more information from American sources. Undoubtedly we have employed terms on this side of the Atlantic with greatly varying significance, and this is often deplorable. Our failure to use a hard and fast terminology, however, is due largely to the fact that we do not find the hard and fast divisions which English theorists postulate. But even allowing for these troublesome terminologies we cannot believe that the descriptions accompanying them would have left Mr Lang altogether in doubt regarding some of the social phenomena which present themselves here. There is sufficient material in print, for instance, to set him right regarding inheritance of property in a maternal stage of society, and other bits of information to be gleaned here and there—such as a total absence of clans in half the continent of North America and their presence in the most advanced tribes which we would cordially commend to him.

JOHN R. SWANTON.

The Nabaloi Dialect. By OTTO SCHEERER. Department of the Interior. Ethnological Survey Publications. Vol. II, part 2. Manila: Bureau of Public Printing, 1905. Pages 83-178; pl. 61-85; 6 figures. This work, together with an account of the Bataks of the island of Palawan, by Edward T. Miller, completes Volume II of the Publications of the Ethnological Survey for the Philippine Islands. It is welcomed by everyone interested in Philippine anthropology as an important contribution to our knowledge of the primitive tribes of the archipelago, and by students of comparative philology as an interesting addition to our knowledge of the Malayan dialects of the Philippines.

Mr Scheerer was requested to make a complete study of the Ibaloi people of northern Luzon; but circumstances permitted him to perform only a part of the task assigned him—a single chapter of general information relating to the people, in addition to twenty-nine schedules, which were designed to include an extensive vocabulary of their dialect. He prepared a paper, while in Japan, on the Nabaloi dialect, giving an account of the pronunciation, together with lists of the parts of speech,

tables of verbs, short phrases illustrating the syntax of the language, examples of the idiom as illustrated by dialogues, and also a few notes on Nabaloi songs and music. These notes were edited by Dr Merton L. Miller of the Ethnological Survey, and were revised by the author, who added to them a translation of an account of an expedition made against the Ibaloi by Spanish troops in the year 1829.

The illustrations of the work are from excellent photographs by the Honorable Dean C. Worcester, who requested Mr Scheerer to write the paper. They consist of landscapes illustrating the physical features and agriculture of the country inhabited by the tribe, their dwellings, baskets, musical instruments, tools and household utensils, and portraits of the people performing their daily tasks. There is also a sketch-map showing the location of the territory in which they live.

The tribe discussed is not known by a special name. The people composing it have been designated as Igorotes of Benguet, or Benguetaños, to distinguish them from the Igorotes of Tinglayan, Bontok, and other provinces. The name Igorot, or Igolot, was used originally by the Tagalogs to designate the mountain tribes of Malayan origin of northern Luzon. It did not include the Negritos. Its derivation is from the Tagalo golot, sierra,' 'mountain chain'; i-golot signifying literally 'mountaineer,' or 'one who dwells in the sierra.' The people themselves make use of this name only in speaking to strangers, in distinguishing themselves from the civilized or Christian tribes. To distinguish themselves from the neighboring mountain tribes they call themselves Ibaloi, and their language the Baloi, or Nabaloi. Their home is in northern Luzon, surrounding Baguio, the present capital of the province of Benguet. The number of individuals composing their tribe is between 12,000 and 15,000. Rumors as to Chinese intrusions among them and of Chinese influence on their language are silenced by the author, who shows conclusively that the language spoken by them is purely Malayan. Although having certain peculiarities of pronunciation and idiom, it must be classed with the other dialects of the Malayan tribes of the archipelago, the principal of which are the Tagalo, the Bisayan, the Pampango, and the Ilocano. Mr Scheerer considers the dialect to be composed of three elements - Pangasinan, Ilocano, and "a third which may be genuine Nabaloi or which will more probably dissolve itself again upon further examination into various components." Pangasinan and Ilocano words which have been incorporated into the dialect have become modified according to the pronunciation of the tribe, who have a tendency to change initial d into ch, I and r into d, and to precede the sound of ua or oa (like the English wa) by g, thus converting darayan (banana) into

charayan; Manila into Manida; lupa (face) into dupa; and oala or uala into guara. Another tendency is to precede the sound of y by d, giving to it very much the sound of the English j, as in the word kabadyo (horse) from the Spanish caballo. These peculiarities are of very great interest to the reviewer, since they are also characteristic of the Chamorro language of Guam. Words transformed from their common Malayan form to accord with the genius of the Nabaloi dialect in some cases becomes identical with corresponding words in the language of the Chamorros, as in the case of chalan (road) and uchan (rain). To express the guttural sound of the German ch the author uses the letter x, so that the Malayan laki (male), which becomes in the languages of Guam and Madagascar lahi or lahy, and in the Nabaloi dahhi, is written "daxi."

As in all languages of this family there is confusion between certain vowel sounds. It is often difficult to determine whether a certain sound should be represented by the letter u or by o, or whether by i or e; and as different authors are apt to select different vowels for expressing the same sound, greater discrepancies appear in parallel vocabularies of the various dialects compiled by different writers than would be the case if they were reduced to a common phonetic system; just as the use of x for the guttural sound causes an apparent difference between a word in which it is used and a word of the same pronunciation in which the sound is indicated by the Spanish j or the German ch.

An examination of the lists of words presented by Mr Scheerer determines at once the relationship of the Nabaloi dialect. Such primitive words as dangit (sky), bato (stone), chalan (road), apui (fire), asok (smoke), asin (salt), dima (hand), tangida (ear), mata (eye), susu (breast), mimi (urine), kuto (louse), would be recognized at once by Polynesians as well as by Malayans and natives of Madagascar as similar to corresponding words in their own languages. Other features common to all these languages is the practical identity of the personal pronouns, even to the two forms, inclusive and exclusive, of the plural of the first person; the identity of the numeral system, which is decimal, and even of the names of the numbers; the formation of demonstrative pronouns from adverbs of place ('here,' 'there,' 'yonder '); the absence of a copulative verb 'to be' and the use, instead of predicative nouns and adjectives, of denominative verbs, such as 'to-be-good,' 'to-be-a-friend'; and, lastly, similar peculiarities of certain idioms, such as the expressions. 'who is your name?' instead of 'what is your name?' and 'what was his saying?' instead of 'what did he say?'

Other features of the dialect as presented by Mr Scheerer separate it at once from the Polynesian sub-family of the languages and group it