tial aid was Thomas Jefferson Chambers who agreed to loan $10,000 of the funds necessary for the purpose of recruiting a force in the United States, and to recruit the force himself. This he did in a highly successful manner, sending a large force of men and quantities of war materials to Texas.1

Horatio Chriesman, the chief surveyor of Austin's colony during its entire existence, was a native of Virginia, though going to Texas from Missouri in 1822.2 Among those under sentence of death at Tampico December 14, 1835, was a Virginian, William H. Mackay, aged twenty. According to the Virginia Herald, September 24, 1836, about thirty young men from Petersburg went to Norfolk with the intention of embarking for Texas. No doubt the companies which went from other southern states to Texas contained Virginians, though mention of this fact does not occur in the records.

Mason, of Virginia, on July 4, 1836, reported in the House from the committee on foreign affairs in favor of recognizing the independence of Texas as soon as satisfactory information was received that Texas had in successful operation a civil government.*

Rumors of a renewed invasion of Texas by the Mexicans appeared from time to time in the Virginia newspapers."

Of those who never lost faith in Texas and in her future was Branch T. Archer, already alluded to. On Tuesday evening, April 12, he addressed a crowded assemblage in Richmond, at the capitol, on the affairs of Texas. Dr. Archer resembled Stephen F. Austin in his enthusiasm for the Texan cause, and upon a second visit to Richmond the following year declared Mexico was in greater danger from Texas, than Texas was from Mexico."

'See Barker, "The Texas Revolutionary Army," in THE QUARTERLY, IX, 235, 240. In this connection, it may be noted that two Virginians, William F. Gray and James McCulloch, subscribed $10,000 each of the first loan of $200,000 raised by Texas commissioners to the United States; of the second loan, William F. Ritchie subscribed $8500, Howard F. Thornton $1000, and Jeremiah Morton, $3000. Barker, "The Finances of the Texas Revolution," in Political Science Quarterly, XIX, 630.

THE QUARTERLY, VI, 236. Brown, History of Texas, I, 116, note, wrongly gives the date 1823.

'New Orleans Bee, December 25, 1835.

'Reports of Committees, 24 Cong., 1 sess., III, No. 854.

'See Virginia Herald, July 9, 16, 20, 1836; August 17, 1836.

"Richmond Whig, April 15, 1836.

'Richmond Enquirer, August 29, 1837. Cf. the suggestion made by Justice

In conclusion, it may be interesting to compare, on the Texan question, the attitude of two of the leading Virginia papers which have been cited above. The Richmond Enquirer while suggesting impracticable schemes for the incorporation of Texas with the United States was opposed to the purchase of Texas by our government.1 On the other hand, the Richmond Whig was convinced that Texas must be purchased by the United States government and carved into two or more slave-holding states. To this paper a war for absolute independence was quite premature and impolitic. There was little doubt in the mind of the editor of the Whig that our government would gladly catch at the slightest pretext for a quarrel with Mexico, if for no other reason than to divert the people from a scrutiny of domestic affairs. One of the few articles friendly to Mexico which has been observed during this time is to be found in the columns of the Whig of July 22, 1836. The editor seeks to justify Mexico in defending the integrity of her territory and contends that the existing treaty with Mexico was binding upon citizens of the United States. In this same issue is a letter from Isaac T. Preston written to the New Orleans Courier of July 2 in which the writer deplores the fact that the treaty between the United States and Mexico had been violated.

Touching a proper boundary line, the Enquirer was an ardent expansionist. Quoting the New Orleans Bee of March 19, 1836, it says: "Let the independence of Texas be recognized by the United States. Let its bounds be extended to the Rio Grande and to California and the Pacific Ocean and we shall have easy access to Asia."

Catron of Tennessee as to the possibility of American volunteers invading Mexico from Texas. Smith, The Annexation of Texas, 53.

'See Richmond Enquirer, October 27, 30, 1835; December 19, 1835. Richmond Whig, April 15, 1836.

Ibid., April 29, 1836.

'Ibid., May 20, 1836. Wharton, writing to Austin, alluded to the impru dent attitude of the Whig touching the annexation of Texas by using language calculated to irritate the North. Wharton to Austin, December 11, 1836. Garrison, Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas, I, 152.

"See Wharton to Rusk, February 16, 1837. "Genl Jackson say that Texas must claim the Californias on the Pacific in order to paralyze the opposition of the North and East to annexation." Garrison, Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas, I, 193.

The Texas question is tersely dealt with in the following statement: "It is impossible for Texas to remain long under the dominion of Mexico." The character of the "Texonians," it continued, "is essentially different from that of the Mexicans, they know too much of the principles of republicanism, are too much attached to the free institutions they have been taught from childhood."1

Animated by the spirit of a love of liberty and of hatred of oppression such as characterized their forefathers, Virginians went to Texas and wielded their swords and pens in behalf of the cause of Texas independence.

'Richmond Enquirer, August 7, 1837, quoting the New Orleans True American of July 17.

DUGALD MCFARLANE

ADELE B. LOOSCAN

About the year 1829 or 1830 there came to Texas, from the state of Alabama, a Scotchman named Dugald McFarlane. He left his native land when a boy of eighteen years or less, and settled first in South Carolina. After a few years he removed to Alabama, where he married Miss Eliza M. Davenport, and lived at or near the town of Tuscaloosa. He was about thirty-three years old when, following in the footsteps of many worthy sons of the South, he, together with his wife and children, emigrated to Texas.

The family traveled overland by private conveyance, and experienced the usual hardships attending a long journey over an unsettled country. Arriving at San Felipe, the seat of governmental authority for Austin's colony, the head of the family selected Matagorda as their future home, and located his headright on the Colorado river, eight miles above the town. He identified himself with the interests of the settlers about him, and became a most useful citizen. His only surviving child, Mrs. Eureka M. Theall, is living at Bay City, at the home of her daughter, Arie Davenport (Mrs. B. F. Sweeney, Sr.), and from her recollections the leading incidents of his life have been obtained. At the time of the immigration to Texas she was a little toddler, just old enough, as she afterward told, to slip her father's pocket knife into a water jug, which was carried along for the use of the family during a day's journey. She recalls the days of her childhood at Matagorda, when the Indians roamed about the neighborhood, and, as they were Carankawas and reputed cannibals, their visits were greatly dreaded. At that early period the Mexicans traded extensively with the Texans, and their trains. of burros loaded with silver dollars to be exchanged for tobacco and other commodities were frequently seen and always welcomed at Matagorda. Mrs. Theall says that, although her parents owned slaves, they were left in Alabama in the care of an uncle, since the laws of Mexico were such that they would have been free on Texas soil. The first servants her parents had in Texas were

Scotch, a man and a woman, who lived with them for two or three years. Many were the hardships for a long time endured by her mother and others who, like her, had been tenderly reared. and were now reduced to the hard necessities which life in Texas at that period involved. At one time, as the Colorado river afforded almost the only water supply, the women of Matagorda made its banks their common laundry. Soiled clothing, tubs, etc., were hauled in an ox-cart to the landing; as there were no washboards, the clothes were soaked, well soaped and placed on a strong bench called a "battle-board," designed for the purpose, and thoroughly beaten with a heavy paddle. They were dried on the bushes. In this primitive fashion were the women obliged to carry on one of the most important branches of their household economy.

The first two-story house erected on the bay shore of Matagorda, known as the Bluff, was built by Dugald McFarlane, and was for many years the home of himself and family. It was so tall that it served as a kind of a landmark for the ships at sea, and the sailors kept a lookout for "McFarlane's Castle," as they were wont to call it. Colonel S. R. Fisher owned the only other house on the Bluff in the early Colonial days.

Dugald McFarlane was a Royal Arch Mason of the thirty-third degree. "By dispensation of the Grand Lodge" of South Carolina, he was sent to Alabama to establish Masonic lodges. His daughter has the Masonic chart issued to him by the Grand Lodge of South Carolina. It is of vellum and is inscribed with the autographs of the officers of the lodge. This chart was carried by its owner throughout the Texas revolution, and it was twice captured by the Mexicans, but each time was returned to its owner by order of Santa Anna, who was himself a Mason. This valuable Masonic chart possesses a double value to its owner from the fact that it was filled in by her mother. Her father's great interest in Masonry induced him to write a "History of Freemasonry," which is incomplete, but has been carefully preserved by her, together with other records by his hand. His name occurs in Masonic records as occupying such honorable positions as Grand Lecturer, and District Deputy Grand Master of District No. 2, which was the district of Matagorda. One of the early lodges at San Augustine bore the name McFarlane No. 3.

Mrs. Theall is of the opinion that there was a lodge at San