country's gods; and the effect of his Roman education was to teach him how to conquer his instructers. Convinced that the rude strength of his savage countrymen would be unequal to cope with the disciplined forces of the Romans in the open field, he had recourse to stratagem. Every circumstance seemed to favor his designs. Quintilius Varus, who commanded the flower of the Roman army, was appointed to maintain tranquillity and submission in the new territories on the right bank of the Rhine. Relying upon his power, he expected to be able to introduce Roman institutions, and thereby change the character of the German tribes, who viewed liberty as the highest good. He was accompanied to his destination by a large number of merchants and lawyers, who were to bring about the intended changes. The object of this expedition was sufficiently odious in itself, and the arrogance and oppression of the Romans increased the dissatisfaction of the Germans to the highest degree. A. chose this favorable moment for the execution of his designs, and succeeded in gaining over to his views the chiefs of nearly all the tribes between the Elbe and the Rhine. About the same time, A. D. 9, a general rebellion broke out in Pannonia and on the borders of Dalmatia. Whether this rebellion was connected with the plans of A., and intended to aid in supporting the monarchy which had been founded by Marbodius, between the Elbe, the Saal and the Oder, and suppressed by the Roman governor, we shall not now stop to decide. Even if it had no connexion with the designs of A., we have reason to admire the harmony which marked the undertakings of the allies; for the treachery of Segestes, one of their number, was insufficient to break the strong bond of their union. This Segestes, prince of the Catti, informed the Roman general of their secret intentions; but Varus disregarded his admonitions. A. succeeded in removing his distrust, and turned the attention of the Romans to the disturbances on the Weser, which he had himself excited, in order to draw the Roman soldiers into the heart of the country. The auxiliary German troops every where yielded the strictest obedience, and their commander, the faithful confederate of A., was every day lulling Varus into a deeper security. Slight disturbances, which had been previously concerted, now took place in distant parts of the empire, to induce the Roman governor to divide his strength.

The main body of the army consisted of 3 legions, a few cohorts and the treacherous auxiliaries. The spirit of rebellion now became universal. A. and his most intimate friends, who had enjoyed the confidence of Varus, and been admitted to his secret councils, multiplied the proofs of their apparent zeal in the Roman service. They urged the Roman commander not to wait for the undisciplined rebels, but to march against them, and extinguish the flames of sedition where they raged with the greatest fury. It was in vain that Segestes repeated his warnings. The arts of A. prevailed. The army advanced every day farther from the Rhine, and plunged deeper in the regions where they were most exposed to destruction. In the territory of the Bructeri, near the source of the Lippe, after a long and tiresome march through marshes and forests, they suddenly found themselves in a deep valley, surrounded by hills, which were all occupied by their German foes; and, to add to their consteruation, A., with his rear-guard, was now their enemy, and the soul of all the assaults which were made upon them. Varus now saw destruction impending over him. The courage and discipline of the Roman soldiers had long excited admiration, but could now only defer for a time their fate. For 3 days their sufferings continued. A. made himself master of 3 Roman eagles, and put a stop forever to their advance in the north of Germany. Varus could not survive his disgrace; he killed himself, as so many other Romans had done, when the fortune of war was adverse. The victory of A. was stained by useless acts of violence and cruelty. The Germans cut off the hands of the lawyers, whose subtleties were most odious to the national feeling, and put out the eyes of others. We must not forget, however, the strong provocation which they had received from their cruel and oppressive conquerors. It is difficult to determine the place of this celebrated engagement. The ancients called it Teutoburgiensis Saltus. The opinion of Mannert is very different from that of Tacitus.

The former fixes the field of battle on the borders of the prin cipalities of Lippe and Mark, and the duchy of Westphalia; but the account of Tacitus agrees more nearly with the tradition, which says the action was fought at the source of the Ems and the Lippe, near what is now the little city of Detmold. All the neighborhood is full of memorials of that day.—After A. had

secured the liberty of his country, he destroyed the fortifications of the Romans on the Elbe, the Weser and the Rhine. He labored to elevate the martial spirit of his countrymen, which he regarded as the best defence against the arms of Rome. But he was soon involved in a difficulty with his own countrymen, particularly with Segestes, the head of a powerful tribe, whose daughter, betrothed to another prince, had been carried off by A. Segestes was first attacked by the national party, of which A. was the head, and immediately applied for aid to Germanicus. The Romans hastened to assist him, and delivered him from a siege. Among the prisoners was the wife of A. When she was presented before Germanicus, her whole behavior showed her worthy of her valiant husband. Her grief, Tacitus says, was silent. She shed not a tear; she offered not a prayer; her hands were folded; her eyes fixed on her breast. The treachery of Segestes and the fate of Thusnelda gave new ardor to the patriotic feelings of A. Inguiomar, his uncle, a warrior of great celebrity, offered him his aid. Germanicus felt the necessity of anticipating the blow, and undertook a campaign, which, in spite of the successes of the Romans, served only to draw closer the bonds of union among the German confederates, and to increase their confidence in their own strength. The next year was marked by new exertions on the part of the Roman general. His preparations were immense, and his whole plan faultless in design and execution. This fourth campaign of Drusus in Germany was distinguished by the defeat of A. on the plains of Idistavisus, on the banks of the Weser; but it ended in the retreat of the Romans. At the commencement of the campaign, and previous to the battle of Idistavisus, A. desired an interview with his brother, Flavius, who had been educated with him in Italy, and still adhered to the Romans. They conversed in Latin, from the opposite banks of the Weser. It was in vain that A. sought to gain over his brother to the cause of their common country. It was in vain that he stigmatized his military badges as the reward of baseness, and the pledges of a shameful bondage. Nothing but the river, which flowed between, prevented them from actual violence. Flavius was at length conveyed away from the place by his friends. The jealousy of Tiberius against Germanicus favored the exertions of the allies. But, when they had repelled the attacks

of their foreign foes, they turned their arms against one another. Marbodius, the king of the Suevi, and founder of the kingdom of the Marcomanni, was prompted by ambition to carry his conquests beyond the Saal and the Elbe. He, too, had received his education in Rome, but had returned with principles decidedly opposed to those of the hero of the Cherusci. In A. the Romans had found a bold defender of his country's freedom, and in Marbodius an enemy of his ambitious views. Notwithstanding the revolt of Inguiomar, who went over to the party of Marbodius, rather than serve under his nephew, A. came off victorious in the civil war. He obtained the honor of having freed his country from a foreign yoke, and of preserving his fellow-citizens from domestic tyranny. A long and bloody battle decided the claims of the contending parties. The Germans no longer fought in disorder; for A. had accustomed them to the rigid discipline of the Romans, and all the rules of war had become familiar to the barbarians. The event was long doubtful. But the king of the Marcomanni first withdrew his troops from the field, and was thus looked upon as vanquished. A large proportion of his army abandoned him, and he was forced to retreat in haste to Bohemia, in the interior of his dominions, and, at last, to Italy, where he lived in obscurity. Tacitus relates, that A. drew upon himself the hatred of his countrymen by aiming at the regal authority; and, in the 37th year of his age, he was assassinated by one of his own relations. A short time before his death, Adgantestes, or Adgantestrius, prince of the Celts, proposed to the Roman senate to despatch him by poison; but the senate took no notice of the offer. A. was 26 years old when he destroyed the legions of Varus; and 2 years before his death, he gained his victory over Marbodius. In the language of Tacitus, "A. was doubtless the deliverer of Germany. He fought against the Romans, not like other kings and generals, when they were weak, but when their empire was mighty and their renown glorious. Fortune, indeed, sometimes deserted him; but, even when conquered, his noble character and his extensive influence commanded the veneration of his conquerors. For 12 years, he presided over the destiny of Germany, to the complete satisfaction of his countrymen; and, after his death, they paid him divine honors." If we dwell a moment on the results of his victory, we find that it had

injury in the close struggle, endeavors continually to invent weapons which shall take effect from greater and greater distances. In consequence of the progress made in this way, dexterity always takes, at last, the place of courage. Nature has given to man only one weapon, in a limited sense of the word,-the arm, used in boxing,-and this can be made truly a weapon only by the dexterity acquired by long training. The art of boxing, moreover, is of use only against men. Within its sphere, indeed, it is very effectual. As soon as men learned the use of the metals, they worked them into pikes, spears, lances, and soon afterwards into swords and armor. Of this last, part only was at first made of metal, but the proportion went on increasing, till at last a complete suit of iron came into use. The first improvement on the sling and the bow was the cross-bow. Still later came the large engines employed by the ancients, and called catapulta, balista, &c. These would produce effect at the distance of 1000 feet. But the discovery of gunpowder changed the character of arms. Objects 6000 paces distant could now be reached, and obstacles overthrown with ease, which formerly cost the labor of years. By the invention of steam-guns, still more may be accomplished in future. The inventor, Mr. Perkins, an American of great mechanical talent, has not, however, yet been able so far to perfect the machine, as to qualify it to take the place of fire-arms.-Arms may be divided into offensive and defensive; the first kind, again, into, 1, arms for cutting, e. g., the sabre; 2, for thrusting, e. g., the straight sword, the small sword, the bayonet, pike, lance, &c.; 3, arms for throwing, e. g., the mortar, howitzer, &c.; 4, arms for shooting, e. g., pistols, carabines, rifles, guns, cannons. It must be observed, that arms for thrusting are much more injurious, and therefore better, than those for cutting; but they require infinitely more skill, and cannot, therefore, be used so much in armies as they otherwise would be. Man is protected by nature much more against a downward blow, by the strong bones of the skull and the shoulders, than against a thrust, to which the more vulnerable parts of the belly and the breast are exposed. So great is the difference in this respect, that a downward blow with the fist hardly ever injures seriously, while the thrust of a boxer is highly dangerous. -II. Defensive arms include all those which are properly so called, cuirasses,

helmets, &c., and also the parts of fortifications which are intended particularly to protect the body. The most important arms are treated of under the proper heads.-Some writers make a distinction between armed men (infantry and cavalry), and manned arms (artillery). The history of war includes also that of arms. French and German military writers apply the word arms to the different species of troops, and speak of the three arms, i. e. cavalry, infantry and artillery. Some writers use bayonet for infantry, as horse is used for cavalry, and say, The army consisted of 12,000 bayonets and 2000 horse.-To readers desirous of becoming acquainted with the armor of the ancients, and that used in the middle ages, we recommend the splendid work, Critical Inquiry into Ancient Armor, &c., with a Glossary for the Names of the Arms of the Middle Ages, by Sam. Rush Meyrick, 3 vols. large 4to., London, 1824; a work interesting to the student of the politics, arts, manners and wars of the ancients and the middle ages. There are, in Europe, many collections of arms used in both these periods (e. g., one of the arms of the ancients, at Naples), which, with the collections of the arms of the Indians, strikingly manifest the progress of civilization. ARMS, COAT OF. (See Heraldry.)

ARMSTRONG, John, born, in 1709, at Castleton, was educated at the univer sity of Edinburgh, and took his medical degree, in 1732, with much reputation. His early attempts in verse contain nothing remarkable. His practice in his profession was never extensive; this he attributed to his neglect of little artifices; others to his indolence and devotion to literature. Soon after his arrival in London, he published the Economy of Love, a disgraceful production, which he endeavored, at a later period, to correct. His Art of preserving Health appeared in 1744, and established his poetical reputation. In 1746, he was appointed physician to an hospital for soldiers, and, in the course of a few years, published his poem on Benevolence, Epistle on Taste, and his prose Sketches by Lancelot Temple, none of which added to his reputation. In 1760, he was appointed physician to the forces which went to Germany. This appointment was obtained for him by Wilkes, with whom he was then on friendly terms; but their friendship did not stand the tug of political warfare. After his return to London, he published a collection of his Miscellanies, containing the Universal Almanac, a new prose

piece, and the Forced Marriage, a tragedy, which had been refused by Garrick. This collection contains nothing valuable. Ile afterwards visited France and Italy, and published an account of his tour, under the name of Lancelot Temple. His last production was a volume of Professional Essays. He died in 1779, of an accidental hurt.-The conversation of A. is said to have been rich and entertaining, though he is painted, in the Castle of Indolence (to which he contributed the stanzas describing the diseases produced by sloth), as

One shyer still, who quite detested talk. The Art of Preserving Health is a successful attempt to incorporate science with poetry. By giving it a moral as well as a medical interest, A. raised the dignity of the poem. It is distinguished by judicious thoughts, correct expression and lucid management, rather than by originality of genius, harmony of versification, or poetic ardor of thought.

ARMY. In the history of armies we must distinguish those of 3 different periods;-1, the ancient armies, which arrived at their perfection under the Romans; 2, those of the middle ages, the offspring of the feudal system, ill-organized bodies, created only for a short time, and undoubtedly the worst which history makes known to us; 3, such as have existed since the invention of gunpowder and the establishment of standing armies. (See the succeeding article.) By the invention of gunpowder, the whole character of armies has been changed, from the organization and equipment of the whole mass to the very point d'honneur of the individual. As long as personal courage, strength and dexterity decided the fate of a battle, war had great charms for nobleminded characters. At this period, too, science had not become incorporated with the very life-blood of society; and the want of intellectual occupation contributed its share in making war the favorite occupation of the higher classes. They fought on horseback, every one at his own expense. None but the poorer class, the vassals, fought on foot. Under such circumstances, the art of war could never attain a high degree of perfection, nor could the organization of an army be very complete. It was not till the wars between Charles V and Francis I of France, that the great importance of regular infantry was seen, and the Swiss, then the best foot-soldiers in Europe, often determined the fate of the battle.

By the introduction of fire-arms, particularly of artillery, courage and bodily strength lost their exclusive importance, and the advantages of regular tactics began to be felt, by which generals were enabled to direct the movements of armies with greater exactness. Now that war was reduced to a system, it lost much of its charms in the eyes of an idle and ambitious nobility. The estimation of infantry continually increased; volunteers became more rare. It became necessary to take mercenaries from the lowest classes of the people, and, at the same time, the regular tactics introduced required a more thorough training; the individual was lost more and more in the mass, and standing armies were at length established, and rose continually in estimation. Much was done to improve the new system by Henry IV of France, as well as by the republic of the Netherlands, in their struggle for liberty against Spain. The number of troops organized in this way still remained, however, very small, compared with the others. Henry IV, prince Maurice of Nassau, and Alexander, duke of Parma, did much for the improvement of tactics, and of the art of besieging, which made great progress in the war above-mentioned, and contributed, in no small degree, to advance the character of armies. Still more important, in these respects, was the thirty years' war. Armies, as yet, consisted, for the most part, of soldiers raised by the general, to serve only during a particular war, e. g. Wallenstein's troops; but the time of service having much increased, particularly in the wars of Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, the character of armies and tactics was much elevated. This king established smaller divisions, introduced lighter weapons, and made many improvements in the artillery, by which quicker and more complicated movements became practicable. Repeated victories proved the advantages of the new system, which even Wallenstein acknowledged. Soon after, under Louis XIV, the whole system of war received another form by means of the minister of war le Tellier, and his son and successor Louvois, the art of tactics being particularly improved by Turenne and other contemporary great generals. Standing armies attained an extent hitherto unexampled. Instead of the 14,000 men maintained by Henry IV, Louis XIV, after the peace of Nimeguen, had on foot an army of 140,000 men. France had set the example, and all the other powers of Europe followed, with