HE martial glory acquired by the British nation in its long war had thrown such a lustre on the military character, that it had become almost as much a favourite here, as in the monarchies on the continent; and the Prince Regent determined to signalize the conclusion of the arduous contest in which the empire had been engaged, by a splendid display of his sense of the meritorious services of the officers of his Majesty's forces by sea and land. The military order of the Bath was the institution by which he was pleased to execute this intention; and in virtue of the powers reserved to the sovereign in the statutes of this order, he made an extension of its plan and limits for the purpose of including a greater number of individuals in the honours bestowed by it. On January 3rd, there was published in the London Gazette an ordinance, the substance of which will appear in the following summary :-It begins with declaring that from this time forward the Order of the Bath shall be composed of three classes, differing in their degrees of rank and dignity. The

first is to consist of Knights Grand Crosses, which designation is substituted for that of Knights Companions. The number of these is not at any time to exceed seventy-two, of which a number not exceeding twelve may be nominated in consideration of eminent services rendered to the state in civil and diplomatic employments. By a subsequent article it is ordained, that- Princes of the blood-royal, holding high commissions in the army or navy, may be appointed grand Crosses without being included in the number above specified. The military rank required for this dignity is that of Major-general in the army, and rear-admiral in the navy. The rights and privileges in which they are invested are the same with those formerly belonging to the Knights Companions.

The second class is to be composed of Knights Commanders, who are to enjoy precedence before all Knights Bachelors. Upon their first institution, their number is not to exceed one hundred and eighty, exclusive of foreign officers holding British commissions, of whom ten may be

admitted as honorary knights. But in the event of future wars, in which distinction is obtained, the number may be increased. No person is to be eligible to this class who does not hold a commission not below the rank of LieutenantColonel in the army, or of Post Captain in the navy. The Knights Commanders are entitled to assume the distinctive appellation of knighthood; and no officer shall hereafter be nominated to the dignity of Grand Cross who shall not previously have been appointed a Knight Commander.

The third class is to be composed of officers in the army and navy to be styled Companions of the Order of the Bath. They are not to be entitled to the appellation or precedence of Knights Bachelors, but are to take place of all Esquires. None are to be admitted into this class but such as have received a medal or other badge of honour, or have been mentioned by name in the London Gazette, as having been distinguished by valour aud conduct in action.

Other articles describe the badges, ensigns, or distinctive marks assigned to each of these classes; and lists are subjoined of the persons nominated to them, which comprehend all the eminent military characters of the three kingdoms. As this nomination took place before that renewal of war the termination of which has been so peculiarly glorious to the British arms, it will readily be supposed that great additions have in the latter part of the year been made to the preceding lists.

The internal tranquillity of the

country has in this year undergone some disturbance, though, in the larger portion of the empire, not to a degree materially affecting the public peace. The re-introduction into parliament of a bill to prohibit the importation of corn, except when it had reached a price considered by the great body of consumers as exorbitant, rekindled the animosity of the inferior classes against the legislature; and the metropolis was for some days in a state of tumult and outrage which excited serious apprehensions in the government, and caused strong measures to be resorted to for quelling the popular commotion. This was with little difficulty effected, after several obnoxious individuals had been sufferers from the usual mischiefs of riotous mobs, directed against windows and furniture. In some parts of the country violences of a similar kind were perpetrated, though in a less degree. The public mind was pacified by a fall in the price of grain, which a plentiful harvest rendered progressive, till it reached a point that threw real distress upon the class of agriculturists, and entirely frustrated any hopes which the landed interest might have entertained of maintaining by legislative measures the advanced value and rents of estates.

A resistance to legal authority of a more alarming nature, and much more difficult to repress, broke out in the latter part of the year among the numerous sailors of the ports in Durham and Northumberland chiefly occupied in the coal trade. Their object was to obtain an advance

in their wages, and also to fix a certain proportion of able seamen to be employed in every coaster. The coal-owners not acceding to their demands, they began to use measures of force, which were the more serious from the method and order with which their operations were conducted, displaying an organized combination similar to that in the naval mutiny. They took entire possession of the river Tyne, by a chain of boats which did not allow a vessel to put to sea without a regular permit. The efforts of the local magistrates, and conciliatory propositions from the merchants, proving insufficient to restore obedience, whilst the sailors in other ports were also manifesting a disposition to disposition to combine for similar purposes, government resolved to interpose with effect to quell this dangerous spirit. A strong force, military and naval, was collected at the disturbed ports, which was so judiciously applied, that no resistance was attempted on the part of the sailors, and their coercive system was immediately broken up. Reasonable offers were then made to them, which they accepted, and tranquillity was restored. Not a life was lost on the occasion, and a few of the ringleaders only were apprehended, to abide the sentence of the law. Further particulars of this occurrence will be found in the Chronicle.

The sister island, which seems fated never long to enjoy a state of internal quiet, was in this year the scene of disturbances, which in various parts seriously outraged the public peace, and were not effectually suppressed by all

the exertions of authority. It is observable that in the many years of disturbances in Ireland, the particular subjects of griev ance, and views of the malcontents, have been perpetually varying; so that it would seem, that, from some unfortunate cause, a spirit of resistance to the established order of things is constantly in existence in the mass of people, ready to be called into operation on any occasion by which the passions are temporarily excited. In the present year the great object of popular attack has been the tythe system, always, indeed, a topic of complaint, and likely so to continue while tythes are exacted with rigour from the lowest classes, for the support of a religious establishment of which they are not members. The purpose of the insurgents was distinctly announced in a proclamation posted by them on the bridge of Clonmel, commanding the Irish people to lay aside all their trifling feuds of Caravats and Shanavests, and to adhere to the great point of cuting down the tythe proctors, and those who gain by tythes. The principal seat of the disturbances has been the counties to the south and south-west of Dublin, as those of Tipperary, Limerick, Waterford, and Kilkenny, in which, violences have been exercised that have rendered military aid and extraordinary magisterial powers necessary for their suppression. In the narrative of parliamentary transactions will be found an account of the legislative measures taken forstrengthening the hands of government. of these the principal was the

renewal of the Insurrection act, which gave authority to the Justices of Peace in any county, assembled at an extraordinary session, to signify to the Lord Lieutenant the disturbed state of that county, who thereupon was to issue his proclamation by which the same was publicly declared. This was done on September 25th, with respect to the greatest part of the county of Tipperary, at the requisition of 40 Justices of Peace. Shortly after a meeting of 49 of the magistrates of Limerick unanimously agreed to make a similar application to the Lord Lieutenant with respect to that city and county. Various corps of troops were concentrated in this quarter of the island, of which Limerick was the principal station. In King's county the rioters assembled in force, under the denomination of Carders, and perpetrated various outrages, which the magistrates found them selves unable to suppress by the civil power. They therefore, in a meeting held on October 8th at Clara, resolved to apply to the Lord Lieutenant for military aid. In this instance, as in most of the other acts of violence, the aquisition of fire-arms appeared to be the great object of the insurgents; a circumstance denoting plans of serious resistance to the govern, ment. The murder of a very respectable magistrate near Cashel in November (see Chronicle), oc casioned a peculiar alarm in that part of the country; and it is to be lamented that notwithstanding the unanimous exertions of the gentry and magistrates, and the ready assistance afforded by the Irish government, much remain

ed to be done at the close of the year for the restoration of a state of public peace and security.

The cause of Catholic emancipation had been so much injured by differences among the Catholics themselves, that the efforts of its friends in parliament were in this year faint and unpromising; and it does not appear that the subject was agitated with zeal in Ireland, unless it were in the assemblies of the party at Dublin. An aggregate meeting of the Catholics was held on January 14, when Lord Fingall being called to the chair, declined taking it, alleging, that faith had been broken with him respecting the veto; and he quitted the room in the midst of tokens of disappro◄ bation from the rest of the company. Mr. O'Connor being then unanimously nominated to fill it, resolutions for unqualified emancipation were moved and carried by general acclamation. The renewal of a petition to parliament was agreed upon: but it will be seen in the narrative of the parliamentary debates, that the former leaders of the question in both Houses refused taking upon them that office, though they still declared themselves friends to the fundamental principle.

At a meeting of the Irish Catholic Association at Dublin, in December, the copy of a letter was read, addressed to the Right Rev. Dr. Poynter, by Cardinal Litta, on the part of the Pope, and dated in April from Genoa, whither the papal court had then retired, in which the opinion of his Holiness was given, concerning the three principal points at issue between the Catholics of Great

Britain and Ireland, and the government; namely, the oath of allegiance required; the mode of appointing bishops to vacant sees; and the revision of rescripts, &c. from Rome. With respect to the first, the Pope grants permission to take one of three forms of oath annexed, each of which solemnly engages the juror to obedience and fidelity to the King, to the disclosure of any plot against the Government, and to abstaining from any attempt to disturb the public tranquillity. As to the second, his Holiness, besides an earnest exhortation to all who have been accustomed to nominate bishops, that they should be extremely careful to admit none into the number of candidates who are not of approved fidelity to the King, does not hesitate to permit that the list of candidates be exhibited to the King's ministers, that if any of them be disliked or suspected, they may be expunged, provided a sufficient number be left for the Pope to choose from. With regard to the point of revising, sanctioning, or rejecting rescripts from Rome, it is affirmed to be inadmissible, even as a matter of discussion; for although that power has been claimed and exercised by some Catholic Sovereigns, "it is an abuse which the Holy See, to prevent greater evils, is forced to endure, but can by no means sanction." Some explanations and assurances are, however, given in another form, which, it is hoped, will be deemed satisfactory by the British Go

vernment.

In the result it appeared that even the Pope's allowance of a kind of veto respecting the no

mination of bishops, could not reconcile the Irish Catholics to that measure. An address to the

Prince Regent was drawn up by the Catholic Prelates of Ireland, and transmitted through the medium of the Lord Lieutenant; in which, after their congratulations on the success of his Majesty's arms, and their grateful acknowledgments for the relaxation of the penal laws against those of their communion in the present reign, which they hope will terminate in a total emancipation, they express their surprise and alarm, that under the pretence of securing the loyalty of their body, an intention has been manifested of compelling them, in direct op position to the dictates of their consciences, on the event of Catholic emancipation, to submit to the interference of persons of a different religious persuasion in the appointment of the principal ministers of their church. Such a measure, they affirm, would only substitute for one mode of servitude, another still more galling and oppressive. This address was received by his Royal Highness in September.

What will be the event of this and the intended applications to the other branches of the legislature, can only be known at the ensuing session of parliament. In the mean time, the Court of Rome appears to be in considerable embarrassment on the subject; and the Pope has declined giving an answer to the Irish Catholics, till it shall be known whether Parliament designs completely to emancipate the Catholics in the next session. He has however observed, that the letter from Genoa was con