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firm, that it would be impossible to obstruct the operations of one of them, without forcing the others most warmly to embrace his cause. Of this defcription is especially the futuation of her Imperial Majesty with respect to the King of Great Britain ; so that in case of need, her Imperial Majesty would be obliged to assist and support him to the utmost extent of her power; but fortunately fuch connections subsist between his Catholic Majesty and the King of Great Britain, in consequence of several treaties renewed in the year 1793, as can never cease to be dear to his Catholic Majesty, and neither the conveniency nor usefulness of which can have been leffened by a change of affairs produced by the most imperious circumstances.

This important confideration, in addition to that which proceeds from the favourable disposition of his Catholic Majesty towards the common cause, cannot but render her Imperial Majesty perfectly easy with respect to the conduct which his Catholic Majesty is likely to pursue. Her Imperial Majesty is of opinions that it will be both candid and sincere, and it would be painful for her to suppose, that in any case whatever, his Catholic Majesty could favour measures, tending to obstruct and oppose the avowed purposes of the three allied courts.

You, Sir, will adopt the most proper means officially to communicate to the ministry of his Catholic Majesty the honour of this difpatch, and to make it the subject of a conference you are to request of the Prince of Peace.

(Signed) COUNT OSTERMAN.

The Answer of his Excellency the Prince of Peace to M. de Bulzowy

dated Santa Cruz, March 17, 1796. I HAVE received your Letter of the 22d of February, with a copy of the dispatch, which you, Sir, have received from your court by the last courier from London, and must return you in answer, that the King, my master, has with much pleasure learned the friendly terms, in which, on the part of her Imperial Maj-sty, he has been acquainted with the close alliance concluded with the courts of Vienna and London, which certainly cannot have been the result of the circumstances which existed in Poland, at a time when the forces of her Imperial Majesty might have been employed at a point, where all those monarchs who united for the preservation of their existence, and the mutual support of their rights, rallied. At that period, the King, my master, gave the strongest proofs of his grief at the misfortune of a beloved cousin, and foresaw that his dominions were drawing near that univerfal corruption, which results from madness without bounds.

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He waged war against tyrants, but was unable to learn who they were, for he did not know, following the capricious dictates of their levity, who were the good Frenchmen that defended the cause of their king. He was only able to discern, that but a few, vi&ims of their sense of honour, were his true adherents, who followed him to the grave. The desire of the King, my my malter, was, however, so earneft, that notwithstanding the ill-founded hopes held out by the combined powers, he prosecuted the most vigorous and most expensive war. There was sovereign but the King endeavoured to prevail upon him, by the most advantageous proposals, to join his Majesty ; notwithstanding this request was addressed to the Empress at different times, fince the last months of 1791, and during the year 1792 by M. de Galvez, Spanish minister in Rullia, and M. de Zinowief, who resided in the same quality at Madrid, but especially in October 1792, and December 1793, when M. de Amat, then Spanish ch d'affaires at Petersburgh, and soon after M. de Oris, minister of his Catholic Majesty, had long conferences on this subject, the former with Count Oiterman, and the latter with Count Belborodko. Notwithstanding all this, there did not exist the least circumstance which promised an active co-operation on the part of the Empress, nor does it appear that the occupation of Poland could have prevented her from co-operating in favour of the common cause. It was under these circumstances that the King, my maiter, no doubt from fear and apprehension of finister consequences for his kingdom, resolved to make peace, convinced, that if he were left without asistance in the war, that support, which might be promised him for the attainment of peace, would prove ftill less efficacious. This is the true fituation of Spain, and his Catholic Majesty obliges himself to fulfil whatever he has promised for the benefit of the common cause, in which at the faine time he must, for the future, decline participation in any meatine, which has no certain and confiftent object.

(Signed) The PRINCE DE LA PAZ.

Edift of his Majelly the King of Naples and the Tuo Sicilies,

addressed to his Subjects. We, FERDINAND IV. by the Grace of God, &c. &e. SINCE the time when peace was interrupted in Europe, we

redoubled our care to preserve the public tranquillity, and to put the itate in a safe condition of defence. We were, therefore, disposed to augment our land and sea forces, and to raise a confiderable host of brave warriors on the frontiers of this kingdom. We afterwards put ourselves at the head of our courageous troops, firmly resolved to ufe all the means in our power, and even 10 sacrifice our royal person. These effe&tive preparations, added to lawful and becoming steps to obtain peace, give us hopes that our dominions will forthwith enjoy tranquillity. At the same time we ought not to conceal, that in order to gain the proposed end of our designs, it is absolutely necessary to double the said preparations for the defence of the state, and the acceleration of a lasting and honourable peace, and to station a still greater force than the present on the frontiers of our kingdom. We address ourselves to all classes of our beloved subjects, and here by do tequire them to contribute with all their power to the speedy augmentation of the army stationed in cantonments. We expect, amongst others, that the brave young men who have enrolled themselves for the defence of religion, the throne, and the coun. try, will now repair without delay to the frontiers, in order to put themselves under our immediate and personal command, with their brave comrades; and we hope that in consequence of this, other volunteers will, in greater number, repair to the cantonments, that we may bring together a formidable army, and be enabled to secure the safety and tranquillity of the state, either by a permanent peace or by brilliant vi&ories.

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Done at Naples, September 12, 1796.

Substance of a Decree published at Lisbon. ON the 20th of September, 1796, a decree was published at Lisbon

prohibiting the admittance of the privateers of the belligerent powers, or the prizes made by them, men of war, frigates, ar any other thip of war, except in cases of extreme necessity or distress.

Declaration delivered to the Magistrates of Nurentberg on the 29th of

September, 1796, by the Pruffian Minister, Baron Von Hardenberg, relative to the Proposal of its being united with the King's

Dominions. THE undersigned has the honour, in the name of the King, his

most gracious master, to declare to the most worshipful the magistrates and burghers of the city of Nuremberg, that the proof of confidence and atiachment which it gave to his Majesty, by the voluntary offer of submitting to his fceptre, made in so solemn and decided a manner, has been received by his Majesty with true pleasure and grateful approbation, and will be esteemed in its full value ; but that his Majesty, according to the situation of matters, cannot as yet resolve himself to accept of that voluntary subVol. V.

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million, and to ratify the annexed agreement of subjection and exemption, but that his Majesty will nevertheless find sufficient motives in that unequivocal mark of the confidential attachment of the city, to make it experience, by preference, his favour and benevolence, and is already prepared to do every thing in his power to promote the welfare and safety of the city ; while his Majesty, after a farther developement of circumstances and events, will also never have any objection to answer as much as poslible to the farther wishes of the city.

The said minister delivered a similar declaration to the cities of Weissenberg and Windiheim.

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Reply of Buonaparte in Oslober, 1796, to the Entreaties of the Inha

bitants of Reggio that they might be armed and fight for the French. BE encouraged, brave inhabitants of Reggio, organize your

felves, fly to arms. It is time, at length, that Italy also should be coinprehended among the free and powerful nations. Do you supply the example, and merit the gratitude of pofterity.

ORDER OF COUNCIL. At the Court at St. James's, the 12th of October, 1796, present,

the King's Moft Excellent Majesty in Council. WHEREAS his Majesty has received intelligence, that some

Thips belonging to his Majesty's subjects have been, and are detained in the port of Genoa ; his Majesty, with the advice of his privy council, is thereupon pleased io order, and it is hereby ordered, that no ships or vessels belonging to any of his Majesty's subjects be permitted to enter or clear out for Genoa, or any port within the territory of the republic of Genoa, until further orders: and his Majesty is further pleased to order, that a general embargo, or stop, be inade of all Genoese ships or vessels whatsoever, now within, or which hereafter thall come into any of the ports, harbours, or roads, within the kingdom of Great Britain, together with all persons and effects on board the faid ships and vessels; bat that the utmost care be taken for the preservation of all and every part of the cargoes on board any of the said Tips, so that no damage or embezzlement whatever be fustained.

And the right honourable the lords commillioners of his Majesty's treafury, the lords commissioners of the Adiniralty, and the lord warden of the Cinque Ports, are to give the necessary directions herein as to them may respectively appertain. (Signed) W. FAWXENER.

Manifesto

Manifesto of Spain againf Great Britain.

Madrid, Oslober 11. His Majesty has transmitted to all his councils a decree of the

following tenor: One of the principal motives that determined me to make peace with the French Republic, as soon as its government had begun to assume a regular and stable forın, was the manner in which England behaved 10 me during the whole of the war, and the just mistrus which I ought to feel for the future from the experience of her bad faith, which began to be manifested at the most critical moment of the first cainpaign; in the manner with which Admiral Hood treated my squadron at Toulon, where he was employed fulely in ruining all that he could not carry away himself; and afterwards in the expedition which he undertook against the Illand of Corsica-oan expedition which he undertook without the knowledge, and which he concealed with the greatest care from Don Juan de Langara, while they were together at Toulon.

This same bad faith the English minister has suffered clearly to appear by his filence upon the lubject of all his negotiations with other powers, particularly in the treaty concluded on the 19th November, 1794, with the United States of America, without any regard to my rights, which were well known to him. I remarked it again in his repugnance to the adoption of my plans and ideas which might accelerate the termination of the war, and in the vague reply which Lord Grenville gave to my ambassador, the Marquis del Campo, when he demanded succours of him to continue it. He completely confirmed me in the certainty of his bad faith, by the injustice with which he appropriated ihe rich Cargo of the Spanish thip le Sant Jago, or l'Achille, at first taken by the French, and afterwards retaken by the English squadron, and which ought to have been reltored to me according to the convention made between my Secretary of State and Lord St. Helens, ambassador from his Britannic Majesty: afterwards by the detention of all the ammunition which arrived in the Dutch thips for the supply of my squadrons, by affecting always different diffi, culties to put off the restitution of them. Finally, I could no longer entertain a doubt of the bad faith of England, when I learnt the frequent landing from her ships upon the coaits of Chili and Peru, in order to carry on a contraband trade, and to reconnoitre the thore under the pretence of fishing for whales, a privilege which she pretended to have granted her by the convention of Noutka. Such were the proceedings of the British minister to cement the ties of friendship and reciprocal confidence, which he Q2

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