cannon, gentlemen. Show us the size of your balls; the length and diameter of your calibers. Let us hear the trampling of the horses' hoofs, the neighing of the steeds, and the clangor of your trumpets. Do not annoy us by the random shots of single riflemen from behind the scattering trees, nor by the flanking and Scouting parties that belong to your army, but charge with all your forces. Danger is always increased, in appearance, by the distance. The enemy presents a much more terrifying aspect when he first bursts upon the view than when you grapple with him, man to man, and test the power of his muscle and the fierceness of his spirit. Give us a general fire, along your whole line. The suspense which precedes a great battle is the most dreadful period of the whole affair. I am told that even cowards will fight after the first discharge; and I promise you that all of us who survive the first shock will stand up and give you a fair fight in the open plain. The reason assigned for making war upon Mr. Van Buren is, that he is a usurper! Yes, sir, although elected by the people of the United States, he is a usurper. Language is changing its meaning now-a-days, and we shall soon be unable to understand each other. Let us look into this charge. We all know there were many persons in the democratic party who did not prefer Mr. Van Buren to all others as the successor of General Jackson. Some of us preferred Judge McLean; some were for Colonel Benton; others were for Judge White; and many were in favor of the honorable gentleman from Kentucky, (Colonel Johnson.) He was not my first choice. Thousands of us in Ohio preferred a distinguished citizen of our own State. We knew him personally; we had seen the zeal, industry, and ability, displayed by him in the manage ment of an important Department of the Government, and in the discharge of every duty devolving upon him in the various stations he had held, both under the State and Federal authorities. We believed he would make an excellent Chief Magistrate; whilst, on the other hand, some of us had been induced to believe that, although Mr. Van Buren possessed great abilities and experience, still he was an intriguing politician. We believed so because we heard these things said, day after day, for years, and scarcely ever heard a word said in his defence. How could any one expect us, under such circumstances, to come to a favorable conclusion in regard to him. I must here beg pardon of the House for speaking particularly of myself. When I was first elected to Congress, I was elected as a McLean man. Myself and one of my colleagues were well known, both at home and at this place, to be favorable to the Judge, whilst the other friends of the administration from Ohio were either for Mr. Van Buren or uncommitted. During the first session we were here, a convention of the Jackson party was held, at which they nominated Mr. Van Buren for President, thus crowding Judge McLean off the track in Ohio. It was a matter of public notoriety among those who took any interest in my opinions, that, judging from the information I received with regard to this proceeding, the manner of getting up and conducting the convention, I at that time disapproved it, though subsequent information changed my opinions. I wrote three letters, expres sive of my disapprobation--private, confidential letters, so marked upon their face. Two were written to a gentleman long since deceased, and the other to an individual still living. Both these persons were Jack. son McLean men, and my personal friends. During the Campaign last fall, these letters, with the word "private" and the names of the correspondents erased, and with what other alterations, if any, I know not, appear. [H. or R. ed in the public newspapers. The living correspond. ent denied having any thing to do with the publication, and the family of the deceased had no participation in it. A few "whigs," with two or three professed Van Buren men, I am told, seperintended the publication. I do not charge it upon the opposition as a party, for I take pleasure in saying, that however wrong I may think them in their politics, there are thousands of them whe are high-minded, honorable men, who would suffer their right arms to be severed from their shoulders rather than descend to a mean or dishonorable action. But the men of any party, who would violate the secrecy of a confidential correspondence, who would procure the private communications passing between personal and political friends, and expose their contents to the world without the consent of the parties, are unworthy of the society of gentlemen any where, and deserve the scorn and indignation of every honest man in the community. These letters were published to prove my inconsistency, in having once been favorable to Judge McLean, and being now for Mr. Van Buren; and the charge was made by individuals of the Harrison party, who acknowledged that General Harrison was not their first choice, but they supported him because he was taken up by their party! They preferred Mr. Clay or Mr. Webster; but when their friends settled down upon the hero of Tippecanoe, they went for him. The friends of Judge McLean, who belonged to the democratic party, adliered to him as long as there was any prospect of his being run by that party. When that failed, and he withdrew from the canvass, to prevent the possibility of bringing the election of President into this House, then they, generally, went over to Mr. Van Bu ren. Mr. [Here Mr. VINTON rose and requested leave to ask Mr. H. a question. Mr. H. "Certainly." Mr. V. "Will my colleague say whether he did not go over to Mr. Van Buren before Judge McLean declined?" H. "I will answer my colleague with pleasure. When first elected, my constituents knew I was a McLean man. Previous to my second election I published a card, stating that, whatever might be my individual preference, whenever my party united generally upon a candidate, I should go with them. With this information before them the people elected me, and I have faithfully kept my promise to the letter. That election was, I believe, before the Judge formally declined being a candidate. So much for my own individual affairs."] Sir, the opposition may thank themselves, in some de gree, for the election of Mr. Van Buren. They contrib uted very much to make him the candidate of the dem ocratic party. Notwithstanding his eminent qualifications for the office, his claims might possibly have been postponed to a future election, had it not been for the rancorous persecution of his political enemies. The first step taken by them, to render him a favorite with the people, was the wanton rejection of his nomination as minister to England. This exhibited so much ill nature, so strong a desire to crush a supposed rival, and to gratify individual and partisan hatred at the hazard of sacrificing the public interest, that the friends of the administration rose up as one man, and, as an act of retributive justice, elevated the rejected minister to the presiding chair of that very Senate who had attempted to destroy him. The next step taken by the opposition to make the Vice President popular with his own party was the daily abuse they bestowed upon him during the "panic session." They constantly connected "Jackson, Van Buren, and the party" together, to make up a triumvirate. This very naturally excited kind feelings towards him among those who were abused in common with the President and himself; in this manner they made him thousands of friends, and he was finally adopted as the candidate of the democratic party. The gentleman tells us that the President nominated him as his successor, and that to this nomination he owes bis election. I should be glad to know when, where, and under what circumstances, this nomination was made. [Mr. PEYTON arose, and said he could tell the gentleman from Ohio, and would do so then, if he desired it; or would do it after he got through, whichever he pleased. Mr. HAMER remarked that it would be better, perhaps, for Mr. P. to give his sentiments after he had closed.] I presume, sir, (said Mr. H.,) the gentleman from Tennessce refers to the Gwinn letter, written by the President in defence of some charge made against him in a Nashville paper. It is some time since I saw that letter, but such is the tenor of it, according to my rec ollection. [Mr. PEYTON again arose, and made some remarks respecting this letter, contending that the article in the Nashville paper was not an attack upon General Jackson, but that it had been made a pretext for writing the letter, which denounced every body in advance who would not support Mr. Van Buren.] [JAN. 5, 1837. But his locality greatly displeases some gentlemen, and they have abused New York in almost every debate that has occurred here for the last three years; and she is treated in the same manner in all their newspapers. And why may not New York have the honor of giving us a President? The South has given us four, New England has furnished two, and the West one; whilst New York and Pennsylvania, two great States, occupying a central position in the confederacy, each of them a nation within itself, have never furnished us one. What has New York done, that she is to be proscribed? Has she not signalized herself by a devotion to liberty, and an attachment to democratic principles, in all the great emergencies which the country has seen? Where was she in the revolutionary war? Battling among the foremost for independence. What was her position in the great political revolution that brought Mr. Jefferson into power? She stood side by side with her democratic sisters, struggling for the rights of the States against federal usurpation and monarchical principles. And in the war of 1812, where was she found? Sustaining the cause of the country as efficiently as any State in the Union, and holding at bay the Hartford convention party, who were not permitted to cross her territory into the Middle and Southern States. If this State has a may he not be presented as a candidate for the suffrages of the people of the United States? So far from there being any thing wrong in it, there was a peculiar propriety, under all the circumstances, in taking the candidate from New York at the recent election. Mr. Van Buren was thus made a candidate for the presidency of the United States. He encountered an opposition combining more talent with less scrupulousness in regard to the means employed to defeat him than was ever met before by any successful candidate for the same office. Their untiring exertions induced thousands of good men and sound patriots to vote against him, who were utterly misled with respect to his true character. Mr. H. proceeded. Let the nature of the article be what it might, one thing is certain-the letter was nei-distinguished son, worthy of the chief magistracy, why ther in form nor in substance a “nomination" of Mr. Van Buren. It advised union and harmony in the party, and spoke favorably of the proposed convention at Baltimore. Suppose the President was favorable to him, was there any thing wrong in this? Does a Chief Magistrate lose the freedom of thought by his election to that office? This would be a new doctrine in our country. It is not unnatural that he should be favorable to Mr. Van Buren. He knew him well. The latter had been associated with him for years in the administration of the Government. They agreed in opinion with respect to all the leading measures of the administration, and Mr. Van Buren was pledged, if elected, to carry them out, and pursue the policy of General Jackson. To such a candidate he could not well be opposed; but how did this influence the election? Where was the President's influence effectually exerted in favor of his successor? Not in Tennessee, for that State went against him. If there was any one State in the Union which could be influenced by him, it must be Tennessee; and yet that went for Judge White! Where, then, is the evidence of this "appointment of his successor," so confidently charged upon all concerned? Nowhere but in the imagination of those who have asserted it so often that I dare say they begin to believe it themselves. Suppose the President had been for Judge White or for General Harrison, would there have been any complaints then? Not a word. They would have said: "Well, the Pres. ident has got his eyes open at last to the true character of Mr. Van Buren; he can be deceived no longer; he has detected the imposition, and, with his characteristic independence, the noble old General has come out openly against him." He would have been “glorified," from one end of the continent to the other, by those who now abuse him. The Baltimore convention nominated the Vice President, and made him the candidate of our party. This, too, is a grievous offence, and smacks of dictation too strongly to please the opposition. Pray, who first resorted to national conventions for such purposes? Who held the conventions at Baltimore that nominated Mr. Clay and Mr. Wirt, in the campaign of 1832? held the young men's national convention in this District, in the same year? We all know it was the whigs and the anti-masons. Yet these are the men who now abuse us in unmeasured terms for merely following their example. Who In some places he was denounced as a Catholic, for the purpose of inducing Protestants to vote against him. Many did so, in every State in the Union, believing that, if he succeeded, there would be a league formed be tween him and the Pope, and our religious liberties would be prostrated forever. Yet every intelligent man, of every party, knew this charge to be utterly false. To the open, honest, straightforward voter he was denounced as a political intriguer. We all know how easily this charge is made, how strongly inclined the people are to believe it when made against public men, and how difficult it is to disprove it in any case. During the late campaign, his friends have roundly denied the charge, and demanded the proof. What answer has been given? Why, that "he is so smooth and so sly in his operations that you cannot catch him at it!" Ah! and pray how was it ever discovered in the first instance, if he leaves no traces behind him? At the South he was declared to be an abolitionist; and the people were persuaded that, if he succeeded, the constitutional guarantees for their domestic institutions, peculiar to that region, would be all broken down. In the North he was abused for being opposed to the abolitionists, an enemy to the freedom of speech and of the press, and in favor of slavery. Such was the bostility to him in that quarter, that nineteen out of every twenty, and perhaps ninety-nine out of every hundred, abolitionists in the United States voted against him. This was to be expected; for all who have taken the pains to ascertain his sentiments know that he is opposed to the doctrines and practices of the modern abolition party, in every shape and form. In one place he was alleged to be in favor of giving all negroes the right of suffrage; and, in another region, he was censured for being an enemy to the poor, and against allowing them the privilege of voting for public officers. Both charges were without foundation in fact. By the same men he was declared to be a federalist, and an opposer of the war of 1812, when the history of that period proves him to have been a member of the Legis. lature of New York, and one of the most efficient friends of the war that then figured in public life. In some places his talents were denied, although, but a few years back, the same men charged him with writing all General Jackson's messages, and frankly admitted that they were drawn up with great ability. It would be a Herculean task to enumerate all the falsehoods propagated, and impositions practised, to accomplish his defeat. They all failed. Notwithstanding the people were appealed to in pathetic terms to come to the rescue, were assured that they would be ruined if they elected him, still they marched to the polls and gave him their votes. The people had been twice ruined by electing General Jackson; and, as they found it rather an agreeable operation, they concluded to try it a third time, and let Mr. Van Buren ruin them again. He has been elected by the unbought suffrages of his fellow-citizens, and in a most remarkable manner. The vote received by him is diffused throughout the Union, so as to prove most clearly that nothing like a geographical division of parties exists in the country. All the efforts made towards that point have been unsuccessful. Including Michigan, he has received the votes of fifteen States out of twenty-six. He obtained the votes of a majority of the old thirteen States, and a majority of those of the new States. He has a majority of the electoral votes of the slaveholding and a majority of those of the non-slaveholding States of the Union. He has one hundred and seventy electoral votes, being a majority of forty-six over all his competitors put together; and he has a majority of all the individual votes of the people of the United States of from ten to twenty thousand. The exact number cannot be ascertained, because in South Carolina the people do not vote; the Legislature appoints the electors of President. Without this State, Mr. Van Buren has a majority of about twenty two thousand, according to the calculation of the opposition newspapers themselves. But to make him out a 66 usurper,' "minority President," they count South Carolina as forty thousand--the whole number being set down against Mr. Van Buren, and none for him. Now, the Union party of that State compose from a third to one half of its population, and they are openly for him, and would have so given their votes, if permitted by the State Government to go to the polls, and vote directly for the President. If, then, the State can give forty thousand votes, fifteen thousand at least, and perhaps twenty thousand, would have been for Mr. Van Buren; for many nullifiers would have voted for him, I have no doubt, in preference to any other candidate before them. Allowing him but fifteen thousand, there would be a majority of ten thousand against him in the State. Deduct this from the twenty-two thousand majority he has in the other States, and he has still a clear majority of the individual votes of the Union of at least twelve thousand. a He is elected according to all the forms of the constitution, and by these large State electoral and individual majorities; and yet gentlemen call him a "usurper!" No; he is the constitutional, lawful President; and, from the 4th of March nex', all men will be bound to obey him as such, within the pale assigned to him by the institutions of his country. Suppose Mr. Van Buren had received one vote less than enough to elect him, and the question had come before this House. In that event, General Harrison, with [H. of R. seventy-three, or Judge White, with twenty-six votes, might have been elected. Such a result was by no means impossible. A distinguished gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. HARDIN] stated upon this floor, in a debate which occurred here last session, that the member who held the seat in the contested election from North Carolina might possibly give the casting vote for President, should the question come before us. In voting by States, no one can tell what the result would have been. If one of the gentlemen named had been successful, and we had risen and denounced him as a usurper, and declared war upon him in advance, because he was a minority President, what astonishment would have been expressed by the opposition! What lectures would have been delivered upon constitutional law and obligations! The motto would then have been, "judge him by his acts. But now, when our candidate is fairly elected by the independent voters of the Union, he is a usurper, because General Jackson was for him, or because the opposition do not like "the man!" But if the war is to be commenced immediately, under whose banner do gentlemen propose to fight? Who is the candidate of the several parties opposed to the coming administration? Is it Judge Mangum, with the eleven votes of South Carolina to start upon? Who ever thought of him for President, until that State voted for him the other day? Is it Mr. Webster, with the fourteen votes of Massachusetts; or Judge White, with the twenty-six votes of Tennessee and Georgia? Why, sir, I mean no disrespect to either of these gentlemen, but really, with such a capital as either of them has, we should say, in the Western phrase, "it would be rather a dull chance!" Shall we have a distinguished gentleman from Kentucky, who was not a candidate in the late campaign? We have beaten him two or three times already, and we can do it again, whenever his friends choose to bring him forward. Shall we have the hero of Tippecanoe upon the track once more? The worthy gentleman who was at the head of the Clay electoral ticket of Ohio in 1824, and who, three years ago, in a public speech, declared that the surplus revenue ought to be applied to the purchase of slaves in the Southern States, for the purpose of colonization? He, of course, adopted the doctrines of the great "American system;" he is a politician of that school. He desires, too, that the taxes levied upon the South, over and above what are needed by the Government, shall be expended in buying up their slaves; or, in other words, he would tax them to obtain money to pay them for their own property! Will the South support that doctrine? What are the opinions and sentiments of the candidate, whoever he may be, upon whom all the little parties can unite? Who are to be his supporters? They are the nullifiers, the anti-masons, the abolitionists, the blackcockade federalists, and their regular successors who hold the same principles; and the honest but misguided democrats, who are led away by the acts and professions of these various parties. What a crew would this be to put on board the old vessel of state? Suppose their President were now elected, how would it be possible for him to sustain himself? I take it for granted his cabinet would be made up of distinguished men, taken from the different fragments of his party; for, to be supported, he must consult the wishes of his friends in the selection of important officers, and in the recommend ation of public measures. It has been said that a President elected by this House would have been brought to terms in regard to public policy. True, if you could have agreed among yourselves upon what the terms should be! But let that pass. Imagine you see the new President, at the "White House," preparing to send in his first annual message to Congress, with his cabinet around him. The message is carefully read through, H. of R.] Executive Administration. [JAN. 5, 1837. and each member is desired to give his opinion freely sentatives were bound to obey the instructions of their with respect to it. The first one who speaks is a thoroughgoing bankite, who believes the Government cannot manage its fiscal concerns without a "mammoth." He insists that there shall be a positive recommendation of a national bank, and refuses to give his approbation to the document because there is no such paragraph in it. This brings to his feet the Southern strict csnstructionist, who denies the authority of Congress to legislate on the subject, and who declares his utter abhorrence for any such prop. osition; declaring, furthermore, that it will break down the administration to avow this sentiment. The nullifier gives his opinion that there is a strong inclination, in two or three places, towards "centralism;" that these passages must be altered, and a few remarks added on the subject of "concurrent majorities." To this the federalist strenuously objects, and insists that the centrifugal force is much the more powerful in our repub. lic, the great danger being that the parts will fly off from the common centre. Next comes the anti-mason, who says the mes age is altogether defective. "You must give us a little fee faw-fum in it." "Say something about the outrages committed upon the person of Captain William Morgan; and give them a touch about extra-judicial oaths, and secret societies, plotting the overthrow of our liberties." "That is all very well," says the abolitionist; “but I shali never give the messige my sanction, unless it contains something in favor of human rights,' natural equality,' and the great danger of national judgments on account of our national sins!"" What would the Executive Chief do in this state of perplexity? Would he gratify all? What a pretty piece of patchwork! What a dignified, elevated, and able state paper his message would be! Would he reject a part of the propositions and adopt the remainder? Which individuals would he follow? Who would be the favorites? No man on earth can tell any thing about it. The people saw this; they perceived that to follow the opposition was like taking a leap in the dark-whilst, in voting for Mr. Van Buren, they were walking in the light of open day. They knew his principles, and could foresee the policy of his administration; and they very wisely preferred him over all his political competitors. ? Against whom is this war to be waged with such fury It is against the democratic party, with Martin Van Buren at its head. Gentlemen may sneer at this if they choose; but it is so. Men may call themselves what they please, but there is one infallible mode, and one only, of deciding to what party an individual belongs. A federalist may call himself a democrat, and a democrat may claim to be a federalist; but ask for his principles, for his political creed, and then you can soon determine to what party he is really attached. Try us by this rule, and it will be found that we are the democratic party, "par excellence," if gentlemen choose to apply the term. In this country, Thomas Jefferson is now universally acknowledged to have been the great "apostle of democracy." Whatever party of this day comes nearest to his principles is the democratic party, let others call themselves what they may. What were his principles? He was against the Bank of the United States. we. So are constituents, or to resign their places and allow others to take them who would. So do we. Look to the evidences exhibited within the last few years of the truth of this position; whilst the opposition have generally dis regarded instructions, and boldly retained their offices, in defiance of the public will. Upon all the cardinal points and doctrines of the old democratic party of 1800, we of the present dominant party are agreed. There is a unity of sentiment among us in regard to these principles, which proves conclusively that we are the democracy of the country. The opposition have no common creed; but, so far as general principles are concerned, we find them constantly making war upon these doctrines in practice. The means employed in this war will be similar to those always employed against the democratic party, and such as have signalized the opposition for some years past. They arrogate to themselves "all the talents" of the country, particularly in both Houses of Congress; and their puffers and letter-writers aid them to make that impression upon the public mind. Every prominent man upon our side is denounced as greatly deficient either in talents or in political honesty; he is either knave or fool. "Demagogue" is the common appellation applied to all who advocate popular rights and popular doctrines. "All the religion and morality" are claimed to be on the side of the opposition; and it is evidenced by that portion of them who weep and wail over poor Indians" and "poor negroes!" The "decency," too, all belongs to them. Witness the poe'ry upon "Dusky Sally," published against Mr. Jefferson; the coffin handbills circulated against General Jackson, and the violent and abusive harangues and publications against almost all the prominent men of our party. The newspapers on our side are universally denounced as unworthy of confidence, whilst their own, even the most abandoned and proff gate, are held up as prodigies of truth and patriotism. And last, though not least, they resort to various schemes for buying up the people with their own money! No plan will be left untried upon this subject. A distribution of land or of its proceeds, a deposite or distribution law to be passed annu ally, or any other plan which will effect the object, will be resorted to. This policy leads the people, when the election is apporoaching, to inquire, which candidate is in favor of giving us money,' or "who will get the most money for us?" In this contest about money, principle will be overlooked; and we shall be governed by the most low, grovelling, and mercenary motives which ever control the human mind. The North and the South, the East and the West, have been invoked to join in this crusade against the new administration. The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. PICKENS] called upon the South to come to the rescue, and confidently predicted that Massachusetts, and the country on both sides of the Ohio, would aid in the prostration of Mr. Van Buren. Sir, the gentleman will find himself in a like condition with a celebrated character in English history, who could "call spirits from the vasty deep;" but, unfortunately, they would not come when he called them. The people of these United States are a just people, and they are disposed to bestow upon every man the reward which his conduct has merited. They will not condemn a public officer until he has done something worthy of condemnation. I know that politicians sometimes act otherwise. That "ill-weaved ambition," which prompts men to rash and dangerous experiments, may induce a public man to con demn without a hearing; but private citizens will hear before they strike. He was opposed to a high tariff; collecting from the people large sums of money annually, which are not wanted for any of the legitimate purposes of the Government. So are we. He was against the construction of works of internal improvement, under the authority of the General Government, checquering the whole country with roads and canals, made by the funds drawn from the industry of the nation. So are the friends of the pres- As many gentlemen have recently ventured to prophent administration. He believed that Senators and Repre-ecy in regard to future events, I will follow the ex ample. I hope, however, to be more successful than the opposition have been for the last eight or ten years. My prediction is, that the next administration will pursue a calm, prudent, and wise policy, both at home and abroad; that it will bear about the same relation to General Jackson's that Mr. Madison's did to Mr. Jefferson's administration, with the exception that there will be no national bank chartered. And if Mr. Van Buren should be a candidate for re-election, he will get all the States he did at the late election, and the votes of Georgia, Ohio, Indiana, and I believe Tennessee, in addition. The country will proceed in its career of prosperity; and the close of his administration will see him one of the most popular Presidents that has ever occupied the executive chair of this great republic. With regard to the resolution now before the House I have but little to say. I am in favor of a thorough examination of any department where there is reason to believe that either fraud, corruption, or dishonesty exists. Let there be some evidence to warrant the House in adopting the resolution; some definite charge, some distinct statement, to warrant the procedure, and I will go as far as any gentleman to ferret out the fraud, and drag the culprits to light. But I do not like the language of the original resolution. It is too general, too sweeping in its phraseology. It includes all the transactions of all men with the departments, whether direct or indirect, official or unofficial. The contracts and dealings of every private citizen, who has ever had any thing to do with any department of the Government, may be thus subject. ed to the inspection of a committee of this House. It is to that I object. Still, sir, I do not know but I shall vote for it as it is if I cannot get it altered. I have not heretofore voted for such propositions; but, after all that has been said by the opposition, I think it is due to the President, to ourselves, and to the coming administration, that we should throw open the doors, and let these gentlemen examine for the corruption about which so much has been said. It is due to the President, whose term of service is drawing to a close, that the condition of the departments be made known to the country; and, if fraud be found there, that the innocent should be justified and the guilty punished. It is due to ourselves, because we have been indirectly charged with a desire to smother and conceal the maleadministration of public affairs. And it is due to the President elect that we should deliver the executive departments into his hands thoroughly purified from all iniquity, so as to make him responsible only for the misdeeds of his own subordinates, committed whilst he is in power. For these reasons I shall vote for a strict and general scrutiny, such as shall be satisfactory to all reasonable men, of every political party. [H. OF R. sider fair game. If I have done injustice to any individ. ual, I shall be ready to make such explanations as the circumstances may require; but to what I have said of parties, their conduct and principles, I shall firmly adhere, until convinced that I have been mistaken. FRIDAY, JANUARY 6. REPRINTING DOCUMENTS. Mr. GILLET, from the Committee on Commerce, offered a resolution for the reprinting of sundry documents in relation to the reorganization of the Treasury Department, and the number and compensation of custom-house officers, &c, and for the printing of certain manuscript documents thereto appended. Mr. ADAMS said he did not know that he had any great objection to reprinting these documents, but he would like to hear some reason given by a member of the Committee on Commerce why they should be reprinted. He would like to know whether the documents were large or small, what the expense would be, and whether any good was to result from reprinting them. The document was not intended for circulation among the people, but merely for the use of the members of the House. He believed it was not customary to reprint documents which had been already published, for the use of the members. Mr. GILLET explained that the documents were of inconsiderable size, and that his object was to collect together the information requisite to the understanding of the particular subjects to which the documents had reference, with a view to place that information collectedly in the possession of members. As to the expense, he had not examined the question. He felt no personal solicitude about the reprinting; and his sole object had been to lay before the members, in a compact form, the information which was requisite to their action on the subjects embraced. Mr. E. WHITTLESEY called for a division of the question; that was to say, on the printing of so much of the documents as now remained in manuscript; so far he had no objection; but the other portion of the documents had been twice printed already, and the question presented was to reprint all the business documents on the calendar, which had not been acted on at the last session of Congress-whether documents were to bc printed a third time. This was economy with a vengeance! It was a species of reform to which he hoped the attention of every member would be turned. He cared nothing for any amount of necessary expenditure in printing; that he was at all times willing to vote for. The charge which had been made by the gentleman from New York, [Mr. GILLET,] against the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. DAVIS,] could not be made against hir, (Mr. W.,) because he had raised his voice against these expenses, and the House had not sustained him. However voluminous the documents might be, if it was actually necessary he would go to the full extent, whatever the expense might be. One word, Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, with respect to this kind of discussion in which we are now engaged. No one dislikes it more than I do. What I have said has been absolutely provoked by the course which gentlemen on the other side of the House have pursued. I have listened to their attacks upon the administration and upon its friends for a long time, in hopes that some one of more age and experience, and of greater ability, would meet these assaults, and repel them as they deserved. No one did so, and I considered it my duty to assume the position I have taken. I am aware that I have subjected myself to violent attacks, here and else-minded the member from Ohio of the vote which he where. I surveyed the whole ground before I com. [Mr. WHITTLESEY] had given at a former session, in menced, and having come to the conclusion that it was favor of printing a very useless document, which served my duty to take the field, I am not the man to be deter- the purpose only of wrapping paper for merchants, &c.; red by consequences. he alluded to the Post Office report. I have endeavored throughout the discussion to confine myself within the rules prescribed by parliamentary Jaw. I have avoided all personalities, striking at masses of men, their movements and principles. These I con Mr. GILLET explained that these documents were not to be reprinted for the purpose of being bound up, but merely to put the House in possession of information which it was indispensable they should have before acting on the bills to which the documents related. He re Mr. E. WHITTLESEY said he had nothing to do with the number of the Post Office document which the House had ordered. But he did not raise his voice against the printing of that document, because he thought |
