value of the trade we may have in the Mediterranean and Levant; and what is worse, we have the cries of our countrymen in captivity, in chains, and exposed to many cruelties, to consider. It is not the loss of property which has induced any nation to become tributary to them, but this inhuman practice of enslaving captives. France, England and Holland, have avoided stipulating in treaties to pay a tribute; but Sweden and Denmark have not. I hope we shall not imitate the example of these last. If we are directed to negotiate, we shall probably negotiate through the French Consul, but it will be necessary, finally, for Congress to send Consuls to sign the treaties and to make the presents. We have collected some information which will be useful to our country, respecting these powers. I wish we were able to do as much, under our commission, to Spain; that Court will not treat here, and for us to go to Madrid is a dangerous measure; we know not how much time the negotiation there may require, and if we go and return without success, it will be industriously spread by all the diplomatic corps, and will hurt the reputation of our country in Europe, and elate the English beyond measure, inconveniences which may be avoided by your conducting the negotiation with Mr. Gardoqui, at New York, or by Congress sending a Minister to Madrid. This, I know, is much desired by the Spanish Court, and by this Court, as many symptoms have indicated, particularly a conversation between the Duke de la Vauguion and me, a few days before his departure for Madrid. A Minister at Madrid would be useful to us in conducting this business with the Barbary powers, and is in all respects, as far as I can see, a desirable measure. The expense of maintaining three Ministers is the same, whether they reside at Anteuil, Passy and Paris, or at Madrid, Versailles and the Hague, and I am sure we could not do less, separately, than we are likely to do together. You remember, sir, that one of the first things, Mr. Hartley said to us, was to propose in the name of the King, his master, and his Minister Mr. Fox, that Ministers should be exchanged immediately between Congress and St. James. You have received before now, the formal proposition from the Marquis of Carmarthen, transmitted to us, through the Duke of Dorset, to the same effect. The appointment of Mr. Temple, as Consul General, is a still stronger indication of a real wish in the Ministry, that this measure may be pursued, and of a secret consciousness that they shall be obliged to treat. In their refusal to treat here they would be justified, by all the courts and diplomatic bodies in the world. I make no scruple, no hesitation to advise that a Minister may be sent, nor will I be intimidated from giving this advice, by any apprehension that I shall be suspected of a design or desire of going to England myself. Whoever goes, will neither find it a lucrative nor a pleasant employment, nor will he be envied by me. I know that for years, if he does his duty, he will find no personal pleasure or advantage. But the measure of sending a Minister to England, appears to me, the corner stone of the true American system of politics in Europe, and if it is not done, we shall have cause to repent it for a long time, when it will be too late. Every thing is calculated as it appears to me, to involve us in a war with England. Cries and prejudices are fomented in England and America, which have no other tendency, but to involve us in a war, long before we shall be ready. Ten or fifteen years hence, we should have nothing to fear from a war with England, if they should be mad enough to force us upon it. At present it would distress us extremely, although it would ruin England. My system is a very simple one; let us preserve the friendship of France, Holland and Spain if we can, and in case of a war between France and England, let us preserve our neutrality, if possible. In order to preserve our friendship with France and Holland and Spain, it will be useful for us to avoid a war with England. To avoid a war with England we should take the regular diplomatic steps to negotiate, to settle disputes as they rise, and to place the intercourse between the two nations upon a certain footing; then we may understand one another, avoid deceits and misrepresentations. It is so much the interest of England, that we should be neutral in a future war, that I am persuaded cool and candid reasoning with their Ministers upon the subject would convince them of it. The force of truth is greater, even upon the minds of politicians than the world in general is aware of. England is now mad with the hope of our having a war with Spain, and even France, in consequence of the family compact, and of our courting them to become our allies and undertake our defence. Surely it would not be difficult for an American Minister to convince a British one, that this is chimerical, and that the only thing they ought to expect from America is neutrality. The real thing the English have to fear is our joining their enemies against them in a future war. She has no alliance to hope from us, unless Spain should force us into a war; and even then, we ought not to ask or accept aid from England, if we could avoid it, unless France, from the family compact, should join Spain. This reasoning and this system, you see, goes upon the supposition that we are independent of France, in point of moral and political obligation; but if the sentiments of America are otherwise, and these principles are general, which you and I once heard delivered with great formality and energy, viz: “That America ought to join France against England in two future wars, one to pay the debt of gratitude already contracted, and the other to shew ourselves as generous as France had been." I confess myself all wrong, and to be so totally ignorant of the right duties, and interests of my country, as to be altogether unfit for any share in their public affairs, foreign or domestic. At any rate, our negotiations in this place have not answered the ends proposed by Congress, and expected by the people of America, nor is there now scarcely a possibility that they should. I am very happy in my friend Mr. Jefferson, and have nothing but my inutility to disgust me with a residence here. But I presume Congress will not think it expedient to renew the commission, or attempt any longer to carry on negotiations with the rest of the world, in this place. If they should however, I hope they will think of some other gentleman in my place, as it is my desire to return home, at the expiration of the term of the present commissions. With great respect and sincere esteem, &c. VOL. II.-22 Sir, FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY. Anteuil, near Paris, April 24, 1785. The letter you did me the honor to write me on the 11th of February last, containing the ratification of my last loan, of two millions of guilders, having been properly addressed to me as Minister at the Hague, by a mistake of the post office at Paris, was sent to Holland, from whence it returned to me last night. This loan is long since full, as my last loan of five millions of guilders is nearly so; I must therefore, solicit the further instructions of Congress, whether I am to open any new loan or not. Your letter to Doctor Franklin, Mr. Jefferson and me, of the 14th of January, has been duly received and answered. If I had known a few weeks sooner, that Congress had resolved to send a Minister to London, it would have saved you the trouble of a letter upon the subject, which you will receive by the packet. It has appeared to me, for some time, to be an important and necessary measure; and although the gentleman who may be sent there, whoever he may be, will probably find himself in a thicket of briars, from which he will hardly get free without tearing his flesh, yet I am persuaded that the appearance of an American Minister at the British Court, will have good effects upon our affairs, even in France and Spain, and the nations in alliance with them, as well as in the courts and nations in the opposite scale of the balance; but especially upon the British and American nations. |
