CONTRIBUTIONS:

To the American Colonization Society in the month of August, 1834. Gerrit Smith's First Plan of Subscription.

An Association of Gentlemen in Kanawha county, Va.

Part of Annual Subscriptions in the Millwood Episcopal Church, Frederick county, Va. by Rt. Rev. Bishop Meade,

Collections from Churches.

Alexandria, Pa. Presbyterian church, by Rev. Samuel Wilson,

Baton Rouge, in the Presbyterian church, by P. A. Walker, Elder,

Boardman, Ohio, Episcopal church, by Rev. J. L. Bryan,

Belmont county, Ohio, in Crab Apple congregation, by Rev. Jacob Coon,

Chenango Forks, by Rev. Mr. Janau,

Greencastle, Pa. Presbyterian church, by Rev. J. Buchanan,

Chester courty, Pa. Episcopal church of St. Mary,

Fairfield, N. J. Rev. Ethan Osborne's congregation,

Jefferson county, at Springhill, Methodist church, Miss. Rev. B. M. Drake,

Lancaster county, Lacock's middle Octarora, Presbyterian church, by Rev.
Joseph Barr,

Lewistown, Mifflin county, Meth. Episcopal church, by Rev. S. Keppler,
Little Valley, Pa. by Rev. Wm. Annan,

balance of last year's collection,

Lynchburg, First Presbyterian church, by Rev. Wm. S. Reid,
Middletown, Pa. Evan. Luth. church, by Rev. A. Reck,

do Conn. in Rev. J. R. Crane's congregation,

Mount Holly, Episcopal church, by Rev. John Buckley,
Milton & Buffaloe congregations, by Rev. T. Hoad, each $5,
Newark, Ohio, by Rev. Wm. Willie,

New Orleans, collection in Methodist church, 1833,
Norfolk, at Methodist Episcopal church, by Rev. W. A. Smith,
Northumberland, Pa. Presbyterian congregation,

Ohio, a'collection received through Mr. Elliott Cresson,
Otis, Mass. Congregational church, by Rev. R. Pomeroy,
Paris, Oneida county, N. Y. Baptist church, by Rev. Zelora Eaton,
Philadelphia, Second Presbyterian church,

do Union Meth. Episcopal church, by Rev. C. Pitman,

Petersburg, Episcopal church, by Rev. Dr. Syme,

Pittsburg, Third Presbyterian church, by Rev. D. H. Riddle,
Pittsgrove, Salem county, N. J. Presbyterian church,

Portsmouth, Va. Baptist church, Rev. Mr. Hume,

do

do

do

Meth. Episcopal church, by Rev. Dr. Leach,
Protestant Episcopal church, by Rev: Mr. Wingfield,
Methodist church, by Rev. L. M. Lee,

Port Republic, Va. at the church,

Prince George county, Md. in St. Paul's Parish, by Rev. Mr. Goodwin,
Salem, at church, by Dr. R. Peyton,

Silversprings, Pa. Presbyterian church, by Rev. J. Williamson,

Uniontown, Pa. Presbyterian church,

Upper Marlborough, in the Trinity church, by Rev. Mr. Swan,
Warrenton, by Rev. Wm. Williamson,

Washington, Pa. at the Presbyterian church, from D. Moore, Treasurer,
Washington county, Pa. Presbyterian church Cross Roads,

West Hanover, Pa. congregation, by Rev. J. Snodgrass,

Xenia, Ohio, Associate church, by Rev. Samuel Wilson,

do

do

do

do

Associate Reformed church, by Rev. J. Steele,

Reformed Presbyterian church, by Rev. H. McMillan,
Associated church at Massie's Creek, by Rev. Jas. Adams,
From the citizens of the Village, independent of the Society in
that place,

Auxiliary Societies.

Ashtabula county Society, Harvy Gaylord, Tr. by Hon. E. Whittlesey,
Green county, Ohio, Society, by James Gowdy, Treasurer,

Hinsdale, Berkshire, Mass. Society, by Rev. W. A. Hawley,

Middletown, Conn. Female Society,

Portsmouth, Virginia, Society, now dissolved,

Virginia Society at Richmond, by B. Brand, Treasurer,

Warren, Ohio, Female Society,

Donations.

Avery Joseph, Conway, Mass. annual payment,

Cresson Elliott, for J. A. Brown's subscription,

do

for Mrs. Spohn's do,

Clark Brice, Esq. of Donnegall Township, Lancaster county, Pa. a Legacy from him, transmitted by his Ex'r John Clark, Esq.

Columbus, Miss. the following gentlemen $10 each, viz: Henry Dickinson, Wm. B. Winston, D. P. Lipscomb, Geo. Good, Wm. Dowsing, Wm. Neilson and Wm. H. Craven,

Marble Theophilus, Mississippi,

do,

McConaughey, Rev. Dr. President of Washington, Pa. College,

Noble Isaac,

Pilson John, Locust Grove, Albemarle, Virginia,

Pollock A. D. Virginia, for three gentlemen $10 each,

Snodgrass James Sproat, West Hanover, Pa. a Legacy paid by his Father,

Rev. James Snodgrass,

Williamson James, Person county, N. C. annual payment,

African Repository.

Mrs. E. Ward, Middletown, Connecticut,

John Pilson, Albemarle Virginia,

Geo. W. Kemper, Port Republic, Virginia,
Thomas Holt, do,

Dr. James Jones, Nottaway, by B. Branch, Esq.

Miss. Kitty Minor,

by dó,

Dr. W. B. Westmore,

by do,

J. Sprowls, Phila. by E. Cresson,

Simms & Scott, Tuscaloosa, Alabama,

N. F. Cabell, Warminster, Va.

James Williamson, Roxboro, North Carolina,

Richard H. Ball, Northumberland C. H Va.

James Ewell, Lancaster C. H. Va.

Dr. M. Smith, New Rochelle, New York,

Jacob Landes and D. W. Naill, Sam's Creek, Md. $2 each,

Miss Harriet Hart, Meriden, Connecticut,

E. A. Huntington, Schenectady, New York,

An Inquiry into the merits of the American Colonization Society: and a reply to the charges brought against it. With an account of the British African Colonization Society. By Thomas Hodgkin, M. D. 8vo. pp. 62: London, 1833.

THE work bearing the above title, is the testimony of an acute and candid observer to the merits of the American Colonization Society. With laudable industry the author has availed himself of all the materials within his reach, capable of affording authentic information as to the objects of the Institution, and the history of the Colony established under its auspices. The result of Dr. HODGKIN's investigation is, as might have been expected under such circumstances from so enlightened an inquirer, a judgment highly favorable to the Society and to the great cause of African Colonization.

After some interesting references to the early history of Colonization, Dr. HODGKIN proceeds to refute two of the prominent objections taken against the Society:

The preceding facts clearly prove that the colonization of the people of colour is not to be regarded, as some have urged, as a slaveholder's scheme: it cannot even be admitted, without injustice, that the patronage which the Colonization Society receives from the inhabitants of slave States, and even from the owners of slaves, is any blot upon its character, or any proof of the erroneousness of its principle. Many of the citizens of these States are to be pitied, rather than blamed, for belonging to the class of slaveholders.-They very sensibly feel the evils of slavery; but are either prevented by law from manumitting their slaves, or are opposed by difficulties which amount to a prohibition. If they liberate their blacks, and send them to a State in which slavery has been abolished, they may be congratulated by their British friends that they have washed their hands of the guilt of slavery; but, comparatively, in few instances can they console themselves with the idea that they have improved the condition of their former slaves; for, on reaching the free State, to which, at a heavy expense, they may have been conveyed, they will find themselves belonging to a class of society generally occupied in the most menial and unproductive offices, and already sufficiently numerous to render even employment of this kind not always attainable. They are, therefore, not merely in a miserable condition themselves, but they contribute to increase the misery of the class to which they belong. This is an evil which we must not wholly attribute to the distinction of colour, and the prejudice which attends it. Something of the same kind may be seen and felt even in this country, when a large emigration from the sister island has glutted the labour market. The philanthropic citizens of the South, who either feel or witness the difficulties in the way of manumission, may be very reasonably expected to become conspicuous as supporters of a plan calculated not only to cooperate with their own benevolence, but to re

lieve themselves: they are not, however, the sole supporters, any more than they were the sole inventors of the coronization system. This is shown by the number of auxiliary societies existing in the free States, and by the sums of money which these societies, and individuals in the same States, have contributed to the support of African colonization.Some of those individuals, whose personal exertions have been among the most important elements of the Society's success, have been citizens of these States.

It has been objected by the enemies of the Colonization Society, that it has been exhibited to the friends of humanity in this country under a false character, very diferent from that which it possesses in America;-that whilst it is advocated, on this side the Atlantic, as the means of benefiting the blacks, and promoting the ultimate extinction of slavery, no such idea is expressed in its fundamental principle; but that, on the contrary, it advocates an opposite doctrine.

In support of the first assertion, they quote, from the minutes of the formation of the Society, the declaration, that "its single object is the colonization of the free people of colour, with their consent, in Africa, or such other place as Congress may deem most expedient." I conceive that the founders of the Society are entitled to praise, rather than censure, for having given so brief, and, at the same time, so comprehensive a definition of their object. It sets forth explicitly abundant work for any Society to undertake, without advancing any thing which can come in collision with the expressed or even secref opinions of any parties or individuals, unless it be of those who believe that the well-being of the blacks will be promoted in proportion to the increase of their numbers within the States-a doctrine which appears to have originated since the formation of the Colonization Society. The fundamental principle of the Colonization Society may be compared with that of the Bible Society, when it avows its object to be the diffusion of the pure text of the Old and New Testaments, without note or comment-an object to which none could be opposed who were not hostile to the Bible. It cannot, however, be supposed that the supporters of the Bible Society merely contemplated the scattering of Bibies and Testaments, from which no other euect was to proceed than the mere occupation of space: they looked forward to their becoming the powerful agents of an enlightening and moralizing influence. But if we interrogate the members of that Society individually, we shall probably find, that, besides the one object in which they all cordially unite, there are other inducements, differing in each, and which could not be brought forward without their again becoming, as they already too often have done, the subjects of schismatic convulsion and violent dispute. If, however, we wish to gain information respecting the results which the Colonization Society is supposed to regard as rendering its avowed object desirable, we cannot look to a betier quarter for information than to the publications of the Society itself. In fact, we have our opponents' example in support of this measure; since, although they admit no good which cannot be found distinctly indicated in the brief declaration of its object which I have before quoted, they have been very industrious in selecting causes of complaint founded on detached portions of addresses and speeches, some of which must be admitted as blemishes; while others lose their apparent deformity, when viewed in conjunction with the parts to which they belong. I shall therefore cite some passages which indicate the feelings and objects either of the Colonization Society collectively, or of individuals of acknowledged weight and influence in it.

Their principal motive appears to have been to benefit the coloured population; and more especially that portion of it, which, though not literally loaded with servile chains, is nevertheless suffering from the pains of slavery, and, with but few exceptions, reduced to a miserable and degraded rank in society, and for whose assistance many comparatively unsuccessful efforts had previously been made. At the same time, the founders of the Society were fully sensible that the baneful influence of slavery was by no means limited to these objects of their care, but that it was also generally felt by the great mass of the white population. There was, therefore. a combined motive of benevolence and self interest: but I think we must do the projectors of the Colonization Society the justice to admit, that benevolence was their primary and principal motive; whilst the latter was rather prospective, and urged in support of their claims on the co-operation of their fellow-citizens in carrying their objects into effect.-p. 5-7.

The views presented in the foregoing extracts, are sustained by a series of citations made from the publications of the Society, and showing that the objects avowed by it, at its origin, have been adhered to at every stage of its progress. By a similar process our author shows the zeal, consistency and efficiency of the Society, in its endeavours to prostrate that curse of humanity-the African slave trade. He then examines an objection to the Society, on which great stress has been laid by its opponents, in both this country and Great Britain:—

It has been represented in this country, that the American Colonization Society aims at nothing less than the banishment of the free people of colour from the United States; although this is disclaimed and disproved. as I shall hereafter make evident. The Socia

ty is accused of having been accessary to the enactment of those oppressive and unjust laws, by which the codes of some of the States are disfigured. Williain Lloyd Garrison, aiter enumerating some of these acts, such as the banishment of the coloured inhabitants of Ohio-the prohibition of instruction, even in Sunday schools, by Louisiana (which makes the second commission of this offence capital)-the banishment of free negroes, by Virginia, under pain of being sold as slaves-the law passed by the same State, that all emancipated slaves who should remain more than twelve months, contrary to the law, should revert to the executors as assets-those of Georgia and North Carolina, imposing a heavy tax or imprisonment on every free person of colour who should come into their ports in the capacity of stewards, cooks, or seamen of any vessel belonging to the nonslave-holding States-those of Tennessee, forbidding tree viacks coming into the State to stay more than twenty days; and prohibiting manumission, without immediate removal from the State-those of Maryland, forbidding any free black to settle in that State; and making it unlawful for free blacks to attend any meetings for religious purposes, unless the preacher be white-all these proscriptive measures," says Lloyd Garrison. "and others less conspicuous, but equally oppressive, which are not only flagrant violations of the Constitution of the United States, but in the highest degree disgraceful and inhuman, are resorted to (to borrow the language of the Secretary, in his Fifteenth Annual Report), for the more complete accomplishment of the great objects of the Colonization Society." I confess I was amazed at this quotation; and anxiously turned to the Report, to discover if it anorded any explanation of such extraordinary language. Neither the words in question, nor any paraphrase of them, is to be found in that Report; but in a short paragraph prefixed to it, I find the words pointed out by Lloyd Garrison, as a quotation, but without having the most distant connection with the obnoxious Acts which Lloyd Garrison enumerates; those Acts not being even mentioned or hinted at. I will not apply any epithet to this mode of employing a quotation; but I must beg the reader to keep this specimen in mind, when he may meet with other quotations which appear to be at variance with the principles and practice of the Society. The Colonization Society, so far from being an accessory, or in any manner concerned with the passing of the oppressive Acts above mentioned, has distinctly reprobated them, in its publications. Its adversaries have not even the semblance of foundation for the charge. The accusation of William Lloyd Garrison oners a striking parallel to that which the Wolf is fabled to have made against the Lamb. The Acts alluded to were, in part, passed before the existence of the Colonization Society; and with regard to others, its position is below them in the stream of events, whilst it endeavours to relieve these who are the victims of their operation. The real cause of the passing of the oppressive Acts in question, and others of a similar character, is, I conceive, to be traced, as a natural and lamentable consequence, to the iniquitous system of slavery itself. The bond and the free will inevitably be struggling against each other with mutual aggressions; and the utmost caution and prudence are required on the part of those who are labouring in the good work of destroying that system, lest, in the mean time, they should so excite the feelings of both parties, as to multiply those aggressions, by which the weaker will, of course, be the greater sufferers.-p. 11-12.

The exposure made in the foregoing passage of Mr. Garrison's misrepre sentation of the Colonization Society, is not the only instance of controversial dishonesty which Dr. Hodgkin brings home to that individual.— "The following passage," says Dr. H. "is ascribed to the review on Colonization in the Christian Spectator for September, 1830:"

"For the existence of slavery in the United States, those, and those only, are accounta ble who bore a part in originating such a constitution of society. The Bible contains no explicit prohibition of slavery. There is neither chapter nor verse of Holy Writ, which lends any countenance to the fulminating spirit of universal emancipation, of which some exhibitions may be seen in some of the newspapers." p 63. But it is replied, in another number of the same Journal: "Now we utterly deny and abjure the authorship of such a paragraph. The fact is, that these three sentences, thus strung together, and with the meaning which they necessarily convey to the reader, whose first sight of them is in this connection, never before appeared in the Christian Spectator. It is true, indeed, that each one of the three sentences, which Mr. Garrison has thus arranged as in a connected train of thought, does actually occur in the article referred to; but they occur in such connections, and are applied, in the course of the argument, to such uses as must very materially modify their meaning in the mind of every candid reader. The word 'existence' was marked as emphatic; and our object was, as appears from the very next page, while conceding to the advocates of slavery the matter of a favourite plea in its defence. to throw upon the consciences of the present generation of citizens in the slave-holding States the responsibility of reforming this constitution of society, or of continuing it, and transmitting it, with all its curses, to posterity. We did indeed say, in another paragraph, "The Bible contains no explicit prohibition of slavery;' but we need not say that the stress of the sentence obviously rested on the word explicit. We added a still greater conces sion to the advocate of slavery, and one that we marvel that Mr. Garrison has not wrested