"The military advantages of this line," says a well-informed, resident in C., are too obvious to require detail. By means of it any number of troops could, at any season, be thrown into Quebec within 15 days of their embarkation at Portsmouth or Liverpool. This line would depend for its success on the properly directed efforts of the home and colonial governments towards colonization in connexion with the work; such as paying the labourers partly in wild land, partly in money; the emigrationagents in Great Britain and Ireland directing the tide of emigration to the different ports in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and C., nearest to the works; and this without any expense to the government for the passage of emigrants. 350,000 souls do now, on the average, annually quit the shores of the British isles without costing the country anything. Our object should be, not to increase this spontaneous emigration, but to turn it to some account, by inducing this large number to repair to a British colony, so as to ensure their success, which would convert them from discontented paupers at home into grateful colonists, the consumers of British manufactures, and the suppliers of food in return. Moreover, the very thews and sinews by which the road had been constructed would afterwards insure its becoming remunerative."

Mr. Featherstonhaugh advocates the execution of a railway from Halifax in Nova Scotia, or at all events from St. John's, on the bay of Fundy, to the St. Lawrence; and from thence he sees no reason why it should not be continued to Montreal, Kingston, and round by the N shore of Lake Ontario, via Toronto, to the Welland canal. But he is evidently mistaken as to the expense of such an undertaking. "A thousand miles of railway," it has been well observed, "would most assuredly absorb a greater capital than could reasonably be expected to be returned Nor would it ensure any advantage at all commensurate with the enormous outlay. It would not facilitate the transit of produce during the months when the St. Lawrence is frozen over; for no ingenuity, no labour, could keep the rails traversable during the heavy snow-storms so common in the northern parts of the American continent; and if they could, few persons would be found willing to expose themselves to the hardships of a more than Siberian winter Nor, indeed, is such a transit necessary, since the fall of the year affords time enough for the transport of that year's produce. How far it might be expedient to connect Montreal with Kingston by an entire line of railway, is a different question; but, we suspect that speculative engineers have not sufficiently taken into consideration the influence of the deep snow, the excessive frosts, and the instantaneous spring thaws on the soil, or on any possible substratum placed above the soil for the support of the rails. Nor were C. overrun with railways, could any reliance be placed on them during at least four months of the year. And if intended to be available during the summer months only, the return of every spring would necessitate more repairs than anybody contemplates. The line between Boston and Albany, though in the depth of January both places enjoy a summer compared with the season which reigns on the banks of the St. Lawrence, is subject to many interruptions, and calls forth heavy complaints. Short lines of railway, however, such, for instance, as might be necessary to escape the rapids of the St. Lawrence between Montreal and Kingston, might be advantageously worked through the summer months." [Daily News.] Discovery and history.] This country appears to have been first discovered in 1495, by the famous Sebastian Cabot, who sailed under a commission from Henry VII of England, but was not permitted by that cautious prince to attempt any regular settlement on the coast. In the beginning of the 16th cent., it was visited by some French mariners, who were fishing on the banks of Newfoundland. In 1523, Francis L. sent four ships under the command of Verazani, a Florentine, to make discoveries in N America; after two unsuccessful attempts, he sailed on a third expedition, but was never heard of more. In 1534, Jacques Cartier, a native of St. Malo, sailing under a commission from the French king, landed at several places on the coast of the gulf of St. Lawrence, and took possession of the country in the name of his sovereign. In the year following, Cartier made a second voyage, with a more formal commission, and a much larger force; he sailed up the St. Lawrence as far as the island of Orleans; and after wintering at St. Croix, returned to France, with a flattering account of the fertility of the soil, and the value of its productions, but with no specimens of the precious metals. His failure to discover these brought him into some degree of disgrace; and in 1540, he was again sent out but only in the capacity of pilot to M. de Roberval, who was appointed viceroy of Canada. Roberval made various attempts to discover a NW passage to the East Indies; but was lost, with a numerous train of adventurers, in 1749, without any tidings ever being received of his fate. Henry IV. appointed the Marquis de la Roche, lieutenant-general of C.; but that nobleman having injudiciously attempted a settlement on the isle of Sable, and cruized for some time on the coast of Nova Scotia without any success, returned home in disgrace, and died of grief. His successors, however, were more successful; and by the increasing attractions of the fur-trade, were enabled to collect great numbers of settlers, and to form a permanent establishment in C., or New France, as it was then designated. One of the most active of these adventurers, a naval officer called Camplain or Champlain, a man of enterprise and ability, completely explored the banks of the St. Lawrence, discovered the lake which bears his name, and founded the city of Quebec in 1608. At this period two Indian nations, the Algonquins and Hurons, who occupied the district in which the new colony was

planted, happened to be hard pressed by their inveterate enemies the Iroquois; and, in the hope of procuring important assistance from the white men, readily welcomed and befriended the new settlers. Champlain somewhat inconsiderately took a side in their contests; and thus raised up, in the Iroquois, an enemy, of whose power and ferocity he was little aware, and whose rooted hostility proved a most formidable obstruction to the future prosperity of the colony. The C., Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belle Isle, Acadia, La Grande Baye, and Baccalaos, constituted. as early as 1540, the immense tracts in the W hemisphere over which France claimed sovereignty; but it was not till Quebec was founded by Champlain that a permanent French settlement and colony can be said to have been established in this quarter of the globe. The infant-colony was, for a long time, moch neglected by the mother-country; and its support was chiefly intrusted to private individuals, who fitted out expeditions at their own expense and risk, and received from government the exclusive right to trade with the Indians in furs; but their strength and numbers were never sufficient to ensure protection against the hostile inroads of the savages. Champlain was as zealous a propagandist as was Cortes; and by his efforts a general zeal for the Christian instruction of the Indians, was excited throughout the French empire; and many individuals of rank and property devoted their lives and fortunes to the cause. "Religion, war, traffic, fighting, preaching, and cheating, mixed up together in the most heterogeneous confusion, form, in all their elemental asperities and vigour, the exciting picture of life the first French Canadian settlements present to us. Civilized and savage life were mingled together. The Iroquois, the Huron, the Ottawas, met in the markets and chatted and bargained with the courteous French peasant, and both, no doubt, in some degree, interchanged manners and feelings. The wild liberty of savages had a powerful charm for many French adventurers who, at this time, plunged into the depths of the western solitudes to explore the country. One exploring expedition discovered the course of the Mississippi, and several others had equally successful results." The Jesuits, however, soon engrossed the sole direction of this undertaking; and were greatly instrumental in obstructing the prosperity of the colony. The individuals, indeed, who were personally employed as missionaries, were generally possessed of undaunted zeal, and frequently distinguished by extraordinary talents They habituated themselves to the modes of savage life; assumed the dress and occupations of the tribes, whom they sought to instruct; rendered themselves in a great measure dependent upon their protection and services; but in this manner they often incurred the contempt instead of acquiring the veneration of the natives. Their converts appear to have lost, in a great degree, the better qualities of the savage, without acquiring the virtues of the Christian; and in many instances, became a heavy burden upon, instead of proving a useful barrier to, the colony. The mutual hatred of the converted and unconverted Indians, the former of whom were generally in alliance with the settlement at Quebec; and the practice, which the French early adopted of treating all those Indian tribes as enemies, who carried their paltry commodities to the traders of New England, or who received English missionaries among them, kept the province of C. in a state of perpetual agitation, as long as it remained in the possession of France.

Until the year 1627, the prosperity of the settlement was, moreover, greatly retarded by religious dissensions among the colonists themselves; but in that year, the French minister, Richelieu, put the prov. of New France under the management of a chartered company, which he endowed with great privileges upon condition that they should carefully exclude all Huguenots and establish Catholic priests in every district. About this time Charles I. of England entered into a war with France; and Sir David Kirk, or rather Kertk, a French Calvinist, having received the command of three English ships, sailed upon an expedition against Quebec; defeated the squadron which was sent to its relief; and, after reducing the colonists to the greatest extremities, compelled them to capitulate in the year 1629. Kertk fulfilled so faithfully the terms of surrender, and treated the vanquished with so much humanity, that the greater part of the settlers declined the privilege of being conveyed to France, and remained under their conquerors in C. The colony, with Acadia and Cape Breton, was restored to France by the treaty of St. Germain, in 1632; but it was only by the most astonishing exertions of a succession of able and enterprising governors that its existence was preserved amidst the various difficulties under which it laboured, in the neglect which it experienced on the part of the mother-country, its own intestine divisions, and the desolating incursions of the hostile Indians. The company of Canada, unable to support any longer so unprofitable a settlement, made a voluntary surrender of their rights to the French king in 1664. The government of the colony was now remodelled, and its trade committed to the company des Indes occidentales. Considerable reinforcements, both of troops and settlers, were sent from France; and numerous forts were erected along the lakes, to check the encroaching commerce of the New Englanders, to protect the Canadian traders in their excursions, and to keep the hostile Indians in awe. The attention of the French court was strongly attracted to its American possessions by the able representation of M. Talon, intendant of Quebec; and it was from the active administration of this enlightened magistrate that the prov of New France dated its prosperity. About the same time the Jesuit missionaries began to obtain influence among many of the more distant savage tribes. Besides the

Hurons, Algonquins, Outaouais, and particularly the Abenaquis who had long been their allies, the Outagamis or Foxes, the Illinois, the Sioux, the Assiniboils, the Knistenaux or Creek Indians, the Nipissings, and others, were brought to hold friendly intercourse with the colony. Many powerful chiefs, also, among the Onondagas or Onnontaguese, the Agniers, the Onneyouths, the Tsonnonthouans, and other nearer branches of the hitherto hostile Iroquois, became converts to Christianity, and were of service in attaching their countrymen to the French interest, - The interests of their trade it was that first brought certain tribes of these savages into communication with the English colonies, and so, exciting the jealousy of France, produced hos tile encounters between the French Canadians and English settlers at New York and at Boston. The Iroquois, or Five nations, the most warlike and commercially enterprising of the native tribes of C-, had been accustomed to carry on a very profitable traffic in furs with French merchants; but a monopoly in that article having been established by the French government, in favour of a particular company, the Iroquois found it more to their advantage to open a trade with New York than to continue to deal exclusively with the French. Many other tribes, even those most friendly to New France, followed the example thus set them; and French settlers themselves openly countenanced and defended this proceeding. They did more. Their commerce being crippled by monopolies, their agricultural interests defeated by the frequent incursions of native tribes, who devastated their fields or carried off their harvests, and being called on themselves, on every sudden emergency, to relinquish their peaceful callings, and to confront in person as well as in purse all the hardships and perils of the frequent campaigns against the Indians, they found their lot so deplorable that they escaped in great numbers over the frontier, and took refuge in the English settlements, where they had a much better prospect of security and prosperity. This state of things, external and internal, roused the French governor of C. into the adoption of very rigorous measures. Having partially subdued the Iroquois, and pacified and won over some other tribes, he erected two forts, which he sufficiently garrisoned, one at Niagara and the other at Chambly, with the twofold purpose, first, of obstructing altogether the trade of the natives with the English, and, second, of arresting French fugitives, whether individuals or whole famiBes, who might attempt to transfer themselves or their property into the English territory. The Bostonians, the citizens of New York, and the whole people of New England, alarmed at these measures, of which they foresaw all the intended consequences, sought aid from England to repel the aggressive designs of France. This aid was refused them. The Duke of Newcastle, then minister, reprimanded the supplicants for their turbulent behaviour, and recommended them strongly to cultivate the best understanding with the French authorities in C. M. de Fontenac also demanded supplies in men and money from his government to carry out his projects. These were promptly promised him, and in due time arrived: the military force of the colony was augmented to the extent of 4,000 men. A series of ineffective encounters, the first in which the French and English came into collision in America, then took place between the rival colonies. The Indian allies of the English were much more conspicuous for deeds of prowess than the English themselves in these primitive military essays of war-waging traders."

It would occupy too large a space of the present article to attempt a detailed account of even the principal expeditions and occurrences, in the course of the contest for existence between the rival colonies; but it may be remarked in general, as a very unaccountable circumstance, that the prov. of C., which was so thinly inhabited and so poorly provided, should have been able to withstand for such a length of time the whole power of the English settlements; which, in addition to their decided superiority by sea, were able to bring five times the number of fighting men into the field. The frequent discomfiture and tardy progress of the British forces, may be ascribed chiefly to the inexperience of their commanders in the American mode of warfare, to the endless dissensions between the provinces and their governors, and to the prevalence of personal animosities and of private interests among those who should have united in the service of their country. "From the year 1691 to 1757, defeat and disaster almost invariably attended the British arms in America Towards the latter part of that period the home government came largely to the aid of the colonists in supplies of money and military forces; but there was so total a lack of ability and energy, both in the government and the servants it selected for the most arduous enterprises, that its direct co-operation only enhanced the disgraces we everywhere met with in the New World. This was a sad, and in all respects a disheartening interval in the history of England. We have forgotten at present our reverses in our subsequent triumphs; but these reverses at the time were sorely felt, and appeared then as great as the triumphs that followed them do now. The great commoner's' accession to power in 1757 soon changed, by the wand of genius, all this disaster into brilliant success. He at once determined to renew the expedition against Cape Breton, which under Holborne and Loudon had been so disgracefully abortive. Boscawen, and Amherst, and Wolfe were appointed to lead in this enterprise;" and it ought to be recorded, that Sir William Johnson, by his good conduct as a commander, as well as by his extraordinary influence with the Indians as a negociator, was eminently instrumental in giving this favourable turn to the state of affairs, and in preparing the way for the final subjugation of C.

The

| The operations of the campaign, for this purpose, were directed in three different quarters, so as gradually to approach each other, and at length to unite in one point. General Wolfe, with 8,000 men, was appointed to undertake the siege of Quebec. General Amherst, at that time commander-in-chief of the forces in America, was directed, with 12,000 men, to reduce Ticonderago and Crown-point; and then, crossing Lake Champlain, to cooperate with General Wolfe. Brigadier general Prideaux, assisted by Sir William Johnson's abilities and advice, was commissioned to attack Fort Niagara, and thence to proceed to form a junction with the other commanders, for the siege of Montreal. On the 18th of Sept., 1759, Quebec surrendered, and C. was virtually conquered; the three different divisions, by a wonderful concurrence of favourable circumstances, accomplished their respective objects, and actually met at the walls of Montreal within 24 hours of each other. By the capitulation of Montreal on the 7th of September 1760, the reduction of C. was completed; and it was finally ceded to Great Britain, by the definitive treaty of peace in 1763. The province was found by its conquerors in a very impoverished condition; and the inhabitants, in many places, were supplied with provisions from the stores of the army. For several years after the conquest, the country continued in an unsettled state, and presented innumerable obstacles to the British traders. The Indian tribes, in particular, carried on, for some time, a desultory and destructive warfare which rendered all intercourse with the interior extremely hazardous, and prevented the extension of settlements either for purposes of trade or cultivation. During the revolt of the American colonies the Canadians maintained their allegiance to the mother-country, and repelled the invasion of the Americans. The war of 1812 was fiercely maintained on the C. frontier, without advantage to either party. Collisions betwixt the house-of-assembly and the governor-general of C. marked succeeding years; and in 1837, the malcontent French party took up arms, but the rebellion was speedily crushed by the colonists themselves. mission of Lord Durham to C., with the view of investigating, and, if possible, putting an end to the alleged grievances of the movement party, was, upon the whole, a failure; but his lordship's proposal of a union of the two provinces was followed up by an act of the British parliament to that effect. The settlement of the long-disputed boundary betwixt Lower C. and the United States signalised the year 1842. The present year [1849] has been rendered remarkable in C. history by the appearance of a manifesto on the part of a considerable body of colonists, advocating annexation to the United States. That portion of the document which is devoted to the exposition of that measure, argues that "the proposed union would render C. a field for American capital, into which it would enter as freely for the prosecution of public works and private enterprise as into any of the present states. It would equalise the value of real estate upon both sides of the boundary, thereby probably doubling at once the entire present value of property in C., whilst, by giving stability to our institutions, and introducing prosperity it would raise our public, corporate, and private credit. It would increase our commerce both with the United States and foreign countries, and would not necessarily diminish to any great extent our intercourse with Great Britain, into which our products would for the most part enter on the same terms as at present. It would render our rivers and canals the highway for the immigration to, and exports from, the west, to the incalculable benefit of our country. It would also introduce manufactures into C. as rapidly as they have been introduced into the northern states; and to Lower C. especially, where water privileges and labour are abundant and cheap, it would attract manufacturing capital, enhancing the value of property and agricultural produce, and giving remunerative employment to what is at present a comparatively non-producing population. Nor would the United States merely furnish the capital for our manufactures. They would also supply for them the most extensive market in the world, without the intervention of a custom-house officer. Railways would forthwith be constructed by American capital as feeders for all the great lines now approaching our frontiers; and railway enterprise in general would, doubtless, be as active and prosperous among us as among our neighbours. The value of our agricultu ral produce would be raised at once to a par with that of the United States, whilst agricultural implements and many of the necessaries of life, such as tea, coffee, and sugar, would be greatly reduced in price. The value of our timber would also be greatly enhanced by free access to the American market, where it bears a high price, but is subject to an onerous duty. At the same time there is every reason to believe that our shipbuilders, as well at Quebec as on the great lakes, would find an unlimited market in all the ports of the American continent. It cannot be doubted that the shipping trade of the United States must greatly increase It is equally manifest that, with them, the principal material in the construction of ships is rapidly diminishing, while we possess vast territories covered with timber of excellent quality, which would be equally available as it is now, since under the free-trade system our vessels would sell as well in England after annexation as before. The simple and economical state- government, in which direct responsibility to the people is a distinguishing feature, would be substituted for a system at once cumbrous and expensive. In place of war and the alarms of war with a neighbour, there would be peace and amity between this country and the United States. Disagreements between the United States and her chief if not only rival among nations would not make the soil of C. the sanguinary

arena for their disputes, as under our existing relations must necessarily be the case. That such is the unenviable condition of our state of dependence upon Great Britain is known to the whole world; and how far it may conduce to keep prudent capitalists from making investments in the country, or wealthy settlers from selecting a fore-doomed battle-field for the home of themselves and their children, it needs no reasoning on our part to elucidate. But other advantages than those having a bearing on our material interests may be foretold. It would change the ground of political contest between races and parties, allay and obliterate those irritations and conflicts of rancour and recrimination which have hitherto disfigured our social fabric. Already in anticipation has its harmonious influence been felt, the harbinger, may it be hoped, of a lasting oblivion of dissensions among all classes, creeds, and parties in the country. Changing a subordinate for an independent condition, we would take our station among the nations of the earth. We have now no voice in the affairs of the empire, nor do we share in its honours or emoluments. England is our parent state, with whom we have no equality, but towards whom we stand in the simple relation of obedience. But as citizens of the United States, the public service of the nation would be open to us-a field for high and honourable distinction on which we and our posterity might enter on terms of perfect equality. Nor would the amicable separation of C. from Great Britain be fraught with advantages to us alone. The relief to the parent state from the large expenditure now incurred in the military occupation of the countrythe removal of the many causes of collision with the United States which result from the contiguity of mutual territories so extensive-the benefit of the larger market which the increasing prosperity of C. would create, are considerations which, in the minds of many of her ablest statesmen, render our incorporation

with the United States a desirable consummation. To the United States also the annexation of C. presents many important inducements. The withdrawal from their borders of so powerful a nation, by whom in time of war the immense and growing commerce of the lakes would be jeopardized-the ability to dispense with the costly but ineffectual revenue establishment over a frontier of many hundred miles--the large accession to their income from our customs-the unrestricted use of the St. Lawrence, the natural highway from the Western states to the ocean-are

objects for the attainment of which the most substantial equiva

lents would undoubtedly be conceded."

To these views in favour of annexation-which appear to have originated with and in a great measure to be confined to the Tory party in and about Montreal-it has been replied by a very liberal journalist, that though "to annexation it may probably come at last, yet assuredly, in the meanwhile, not one of the three parties interested in the question is ripe for it. The pride and prejudices of the English nation are unquestionably against it; and 350 signatures in its favour are no proof that it is desired by a population of 2,000,000 of colonists. Then, the whole southern states of the American Union are against the measure to a man: so that there is no chance whatever of its being carried, or even making any considerable progress just now. Some of the grounds on which annexation is argued by the writers of the manifesto, are futile, and indeed absurd. The abolition of protection on the part of Great Britain, deeply deplored by these sons of freedom, is to be remedied by the protection afforded by the great republic. But at the very moment that the subscribers are attaching their signatures, the main portion of this ground is cut away from under their feet by the abolition of the American navigation laws. On every load of timber which the Canadians import into the United Kingdom, they have, down to this hour, a protective duty of 58., equal to one-fourth part of the whole tax on foreign timber: this, of course, they would lose by annexation; nor would they have protection, under the laws of the Union, from any timber whatsoever that it was possible to bring into competition with them in the American market. But the most extravagant of the anticipated benefits from annexation is protection to C. manufactures. What are these either in esse or in posse? The American legislature, under the advice of certain American manufacturers, imposed a tax on the American people, through a protective duty which greatly enhances the cost of every yard of calico and every ton of iron they use, depreciating at the same time the quality of the articles they are forced to consume. It is this piece of economic mischief which the framers of the C. manifesto coolly propose as a great national advantage. By the aid of protection, or, in other terms, of self-unproductive taxation, the Americans have been enabled to establish large manufactures of cotton and iron, one of which, at the moment of drawing up the manifesto, was tottering for want of sufficient protection, and calling out for more taxation to bolster it up. These manufactures have been established for many years, and against them, on equal terms, the young manufactures of C. would have to compete. Without coal, and without iron in the same abundance as in the old states of the Union, and with cotton farther fetched, and therefore dearer,

the struggle of the C. manufactures would assuredly be a very hopeless one. Next for the advantages of annexation to the United States. We are disposed to think they will be smaller than to either of the other parties. Upper C. will be a valuable

acquisition, and so will the complete navigation of the lakes and the St. Lawrence. But already over-burthened with territory, 'the masters of the fairest and most wealthy climates of the world,' will be apt, we should fancy, to turn with contempt from the frozen regions of C., as Gibbon says the Romans did from the mountains of Caledonia. The greatest gain to America

-but it is one which England will equally share in-will consist in the removal of the only cause of hostile collision, a conterminous territory, that can exist between her and the only nation in the world that can do her harm; the nation of all others, that by community of blood, language, laws, and interests, it is most for her honour and advantage to live with in harmony. As to England, in our humble opinion, she will be the greatest gainer of the three by annexation. She will be relieved at once from the heavy load of responsibility with which she is now burthened, in her impossible attempts, at the distance of 4,000 m., to govern wisely a free people whom her statesmen never see, and of whom they know nothing beyond what they find recorded in sheets of foolscap. Further, England will be relieved of the whole military, naval, and ordnance charge of the C.s, all paid from the imperial treasury, and the amount of which, we believe, will not be overstated at £1,000,000 per annum, contingencies included." [Eraminer.]

Authorities.] Le P. Charlevoix Histoire de la Nouvelle France. Paris, 1744, 3 vols. 4to.-Mackenzie's Voyages in N America. — Carver's Travels in N America.-Heriot's Travels through the C.Lambert's Travels in C.-Smith's History of C. Quebec, 1813.— Statistical Sketches of Upper C.-Bouchette's Topographical and Statistical Description of the British dominions in N America, 2 vols. 4to, 1831.-Howison's Sketches of Upper C.-Macgregor's British America, 2 vols. 8vo.-Gourlay's Upper C.-Lord Durham's Report.-Parl. Papers.

CANADA BAY, a deep indentation of the NE coast of Newfoundland, formed on the N by Cape Canada, in N lat. 50° 40', W long. 56°.

CANADA CREEK WEST, a river of the state of New York, U. S., in Herkemer co., which, after a course of 60 m., unites with the Mohawk at Herkemer, and forms its principal branch. Lower Canada creek forms the SE boundary of the co.

CANADA (LA), a town of Spain, in Aragon, prov. and 32 m. NE of Terun, on an affluent of the Guadaloupe.

CANADA-DEL-HOYE (LA), a town of Spain, in New Castile, prov. and 14 m. ESE of Cuenca. CANADA-DE-LOS-CONCYOS (LA), a village of Spain, in Andalusia, prov. and 33 m. NNE of Seville. In the environs is a copper-mine.

CANADA (Pozo-DE-LA), a town of Spain, in Murcia, 10 m. SW of Chinchilla.

CANADIAN CHANNEL, an arm of the St. Lawrence, formed by the island of Anticosti, and separating that island from the coast of Canada. It is about 30 m. in average breadth; and is studded along its N coast with the group of the Mingan islands.

CANADIAN RIVER, a river of the United States, formed by the junction of the North and South Canadian forks, which take their rise in the Rocky mountains in Texas; unite soon after their entrance into the state of Arkansas; and flow into the Arkansas 20 m. NE of Fort Coffee, in N lat. 35° 28', forming the principal tributary of that river. The North fork is the principal affluent of the C. river, and drains an immense extent of country, from the meridian of 105° 30' to that of 99° 40′ W; and between the parallels of 36° and 37° 30′ N. The total computed course of the C. river exceeds 1,000 m. Its waters are turbid and slightly saline; and it ceases to be navigable at the distance of 120 m. from its mouth.

CANADICE, a township of Ontario co., in the state of New York, U. S., 18 m. SW of Canandaigua. It is generally hilly, and contains several large ponds or lakes. The soil consists of clay, loam, and sand, and is in some parts fertile. Pop. in 1840, 1,341.

CANAFISTULA, a town of Brazil, in the prov. of Parahiba, 10 m. W of Pilar. It is inhabited chiefly by Indians.

CANAJOHARIE, a township of Montgomery co., in the state of New York, U. S., 50 m. WNW of Albany. It possesses a hilly surface, and is drained by Bowman's and Otsquake creeks, tributaries of the Mohawk. Pop. in 1840, 5,146. The village lies on the S side of the Mohawk, and is intersected by the Erie canal.

CANAL, a town of Portugal, in the prov. of Alentejo, comarca and 23 m. NE of Evora.

CANAL, a township of Venango co., in the state

of Pennsylvania, U. S., 218 m. NW of Harrisburg. Pop. in 1840, 867.

CANAL (EL), a town of Spain, in New Castile, prov. and 4 m. N of Guadalaxara, on the r. bank of the Henares.

CANALE, a town of Piedmont, cap. of a mandemento, in the prov. and 7 m. NW of Alba, and 25 m. SE of Turin, on an affluent of the Bourbo, at an alt. of 708 ft. above sea-level. Pop. 3,500. In the environs are springs of neutral salts.-Also a town of Illyria, in the gov. of Trieste, circle and 9 m. N of Goritz, on the 1. bank of the Isonzo, 30 m. above the entrance of that river into the Adriatic, and at an alt. of 380 ft. above sea-level. Pop. 1,000. CANALEJAS, a town of Spain, in Leon, prov. and 40 m. ENE of the town of that name.-Also a town of Old Castile, 27 m. ESE of Valladolid.

CANALES, a town of Spain, in Leon, prov. and 17 m. NW of the town of that name, near the r. hank of the Orvigo.-Also a town in the prov. and 19 m. ESE of Valladolid.-Also a town of Old Castile, in the prov. of Soria, 41 m. SSW of Logrono, at the foot of the Sierra de San Lorenzo.-Also a town in the prov. and 13 m. WSW of Avila.

CANAL FULTON, a village of Lawrence township, in Tuscarawas co., state of Ohio, U. S., on the E of Tuscarawas river, and on the Ohio canal. Pop. in 1840, about 400.

CANALIA, a town of Turkey in Europe, in Trikalia or Thessaly, on the SE bank of Lake Carlas, 5 m. NNE of Velestrino, and 10 m. NW of Volo. CANAMARES, a town of Spain, in New Castile. prov. and 25 m. NNW of Cuenca, on the 1. bank of the Escabas.

CANAMERO, a town of Spain, in Estremadura, prov. and 87 m. E of Badajoz, and 29 m. ENE of Villanueva de la Serena, at the foot of the Sierra de la Guadaloupe.

CANANDAIGUA, a township, cap. of Ontario co, in the state of New York, U. S. It presents a finely diversified, and generally fertile and well-cultivated surface. Pop. in 1840, 5,602. The village is delightfully situated at the N extremity of a lake of the same name, and is neatly and well-built. Pop. 2,790.-C. lake is 14 m. in length, and from 1 to 13 m. in breadth. Its waters are clear, and abound with fish, and its shores present rich cultivation. It discharges itself by Flint creek into Seneca river.

CANANEA, a small maritime town of Brazil, in the prov. of Sao Paulo, on an island in the bay of the same name, 145 m. SW of Sao Paulo, and in 25° 3'S lat. Pop. 3,000. The channel by which the island is separated from the continent is navigable by large vessels, but the port can be entered by those only of smaller dimensions. It possesses, however, extensive building-docks. The district belonging to the municipality is well-watered, and produces large quantities of rice, and in the higher tracts coffee and vanilla.-The bay of C., formerly called Tarapande, forms an irregularly shaped embrasure, 10 m. in depth, and about half that extent in breadth; enclosed on the S by the lofty peninsula of the same name, and on the N by the low sandy islands of Iguape and Cananea. Its entrance is considerably obstructed by sand-banks.

CANANORE, KANURA, or KANNANU'R, a town and principality of Hindostan, at the bottom of a small bay on the coast of Malabar. It was early possessed by the Portuguese, who, about the year 1605, obtained leave of the king of the country to build a fort, which they secured with a strong garrison. Having thus become a point of communication with Europe, and being well-supplied from the adjoining country with rice, pepper, sugar, cardamoms, ginger, tamarinds, and other valuable commodities, it soon

rose to be a populous and commercial city; and, about the middle of the 18th cent., when it was under the power of the Dutch, who had established a considerable factory at this place, nearly 200 vessels arrived annually in its harbour. In 1770, C. was sold by the Dutch, to the ancestors of the present reigning family, for 100,000 rupees. It was afterwards seized by Tippu Saib; but is now subject to the British, who, under General Abercrombie, took possession of the fort on the 17th of Dec., 1790. The biby, or lady of Cananore, however, who managed the affairs of the royal family during the minority of her son, was allowed to retain the nominal sovereignty of the district, and to collect all the revenues except the customs, but paid an annual land-tax of 14,000 rupees or £1,400 to the company. Her territories on the continent were very small, extending nowhere above 2 m. from the town. The surface is, in general, high and uneven; but it is all capable of cultivation, though a small part of it only is fitted for rice-ground. The biby possessed also most of the Laccadive islands, which, however, are so wretchedly poor that the tribute which she derived from them was altogether trifling. Her principal resources arose from trade which she carried on to a considerable extent in vessels of her own, with Arabia, Bengal, and Sumatra; and "her commercial affairs are so well managed," says Dr. Buchanan, "that she will soon, it is said, recover the losses she is alleged to have suffered from the rapacity of some British officers during the wars of Malabar."-The town of C., which is 45 m. NW of Calicut, in N lat. 11° 42', stretches about half-a-mile along the shore, and is defended by a strong fortress, formerly considered impregnable, and several detached forts on every side. It is very narrow, except near the centre, where it runs a little way up into the land, and is terminated by a battery, called Spice fort. It contains several very good houses, which are possessed by Mahommedan merchants; but its E extremity is chiefly inhabited by fishermen, and consists only of a group of miserable huts. The fortress stands a little SW of the town, upon a promontory which projects a quarter of a mile into the sea. It has the complete command of the bay; and, since the province was ceded to the company, has been considerably strengthened with works after the European fashion. The sea surrounds it on all sides, except on the NW, where it is separated from the land by a deep ditch and strong fortifications. It contains the wharf, where vessels may lie with great safety during summer, but in winter it affords very little security; also an hospital, the chief's house, the warehouses, and lodgings for the different officers of the company. C. still possesses a flourishing trade, though its exports have been considerably diminished; and it employs from 25 to 30 vessels.-Buchanan's Journey through Mysore, &c., vol. ii.—Bartolomeo's Voyage, p. 144.—— Oriental Repository, vol. i.

CANAR, or ALANCANAR, a town of New Grenada, 22 m. NNE of Cuenca. It contains the ruins of a palace of the Incas. The surrounding territory is well-watered and fertile, and possesses extensive mines of gold, silver, copper, &c.

CANARA, a town of the States-of-the-Church, in the delegation and 15 m. SE of Perugia, on the 1. bank of the Topino. 10 m. ESE of the entrance of that river into the Tiber.

CANARA, a province of Hindostan, extending along the Malabar coast between the 12th and 15th degree of N lat., and 74° and 76° E long. Its length along the coast is 180 m., and it is from 30 to 90 m. in breadth. It is separated from Mysore, on the E, by the Western Ghauts; on the S it has the prov. of Malabar; on the W, the Indian ocean; and on the