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which were to have been, opened in January lalt. If the fituation of your affairs is yet such with respect to that barbarous regency as that our intervention may be of some utility, I pray you to invite the president to cause to be communicated to me the means that he will join to those of the committee of Public Safety for the greatest success of the measures already taken. It is in virtue of the express request of the minister that I folicit of the president some communication on this fubject; I shall be satisfied to be able to transmit it by a very early conveyance, which I am now preparing for France.

The secretary of state replied to him on the 6th of June, 1794, by a letter of which the following is an extract :

“ Your other letter of the 4th of June is a powerful demonstra« tion of the interest which the Republic of France takes in our. “ welfare. I will frankly communicate to you our measures and

expectations with regard to Algiers; but as you will fo fuon re“ ceive the detail of those measures, which your government have “ pursued in our behalf, and after the rising of Congress some new. “ arrangement will probably be adopted by the executive, it will “ be better perhaps to postpone our interview on this matter until “ the intelligence, which you farther expect, shall arrive."

Then Mr. Jay was charged to negotiate with the British government, and the Citizen Fauchet did not afterwards receive any communication on the subject.

(No. 8). On the 13th Floreal, in the 3d year of the Republic (2d May, 1794), the predecessor of the undersigned minister ple. nipotentiary expressed himself in these terms to the secretary of state, upon the blockade of the French colonies :

After so many useless attempts, Sir, you must be sensible of “ the pain I experience in tracing this picture so different from that " which the French Republic gives whenever justice towards you “is in question, even though her interests are compromitted. It was « when a terrible war was inceffantly devouring her, that the sigorously fulfilled her treaties with you ; in this instance she “ demands but justice, and cannot obtain it. On the contrary, the “ sees her enemies admitted to an intimacy with you, at the moment “ in which your commerce and your sovereignty are alike insulted “ by them : at the moment when, adding derision to injustice, they

despoil you anew upon the seas, when they promise to indemnify

you for former acts. This reflection, Sir, becomes much “ more grievouis when we see pofted up under your eyes the official “ legalization of a proclamation, which prohibits your commerce “ with our colonies, and suspends to you alone the law of nations. “I know, Sir, what refpect imposes on me as to what imme“diately interests your affairs, and your relations as a people. “But I cannot entirely pals in silence transactions to which the

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" Republic is no stranger, because they are directed against her ; it and that to subscribe by an excess of courtesy to such orders, “ were to quit the neutral position which the Americans profefs. « Examine, I pray you, Sir, whether this neutrality can be said “ to exist, when on the one hand you can no longer maintain your “ treaties, and on the other you are obliged to abandon your rela“ tions exclusively to the discretion of England, who doubtless will • soon declare all the universe blockaded, except her possessions. “ What account do you conceive I can render to the French go“ vernment of the means you take for rendering your neutrality “ respectable? Yet on that my instructions infilt, and it is on that “ more especially that France is uneasy."

The secretary of state replied, on the 29th of May, 1795, to this passage of Citizen Fauchet's letter in the following man


“ The predicament of a neutral nation is always peculiar and « delicate, and eminently so while it defends itself against charges “ of partiality from one of the warring powers, left it should seem “ to palliate the misdoings of another. But you are not to infer “ from any juftification of the executive that the validity of the pro“ clamation of blockade is assented to. We did read, on the * 10th of April, 1795, a publication from his Britannic Majesty's « conful general, for the middle and southern states of America, “ giving public notice that he had received official communica“lions that the island of Gaudaloupe, Marigalante, and Defirade, " were, by proclamation issued by his Britannic Majesty's general " and vice admiral commanding in the West Indies declared to “ be in an actual state of blockade ; and that neutral vessels were “ by that proclamation prohibited from attempting to enter any of “ the ports or places of the said islands with provisions or fup“plies of any nature or kind whatsoever, under the penalty of “ being dealt with conformably to existing treaties, and as “ warranted by the established laws of nations.' So highly valued « has the West Indian commerce always been, that this exclufion

was often revolved in the mind of the executive. It was ac« knowledged that neutrals are interdicted by the law of nations " from a blockaded port.' From fome quarter or other blockade

must be notified; or else neutrals would be a constant, unsuspecte « ing prey ; not being in a condition to collect this information “ for ihemselves. Who then are to notify the military invest“ ment of a place? Surely not the belieged; but the besiegers, “ whether we consult principle or practice. The check which • neutrals have upon a wanton and false parade of a fiege, is the « faire with the check upon any other groundless pretence. We “ inight indeed have remonttrated; but with what colour may well be imagined, when this department was unprovided with

" any 6 any document upon which the rescinding of that ediêt could “ have been urged. If rumour were a fit guide, who can pro

nounce on which side rumour preponderated, when stripped of “ the exaggerations which a host of passions had gathered together? “ We had, it may be said, one effort remaining: which was to “ promulge to the citizens of the United States, that the pro" clamation was null and void as to them. If after this defiance of “ that act any American vessel had risqued and incurred confir“ cation, the government would have been importuned for some“ thing more than the general protection, which is the birthright “ of all our citizens. The clainour would have been for a special " indemnity; and, under such a cloak, frauds innumerable might “ have been covered."

(No. 9). The Citizen Genet, one of the predecessors of the underligned, notified to the secretary of state, on the 23d of May, 1793, that he was empowered to renew the existing treaties between the French Republic and the United States. The secretary of state replied to him, that the Senate not being assembled, it was impoflible to meet his overtures, because that body were, according to the constitution, to participate in the confummation of treaties,

On the 30th of September, 1793, Citizen Genet renewed the subject; the secretary of state, in acknowledging the receipt of that letter, informed him that he had laid it before the president, and that it will be taken into consideration with all the respect and interest that such an object requires.

The Senate assembled, and the treaty was never again brought in question.

The predecessor of the underligned, in his verbal communication with the secretary of state, expressed the desire which the Republic had of renewing her treaties. He received only evasive answers.

The undersigned minister plenipotentiary, charged to prepare with the federal government the plan of a new treaty of commerce, communicated to the secretary of state, on the 30th of June, 1795. (old style), that part of his instructions which authorised him to open this negotiation.

On this subject the president authorised the secretary of state, who explained to the undersigned the manner in which they could proceed in it. But at what time? When the ratification

• Letter from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Morris, dated 23d, of August, 1993. Message of the President, 3d of December, 1793, p. 68 of the original English



of the treaty concluded between Lord Grenville and Mr. Jay no longer permitted the undersigned to pursue that negotiation.

At Philadelphia, the 25th of Brumaire, in the 5th year of

the French Republic, one and indivisible, (15th Novem-
ber, 1796, old style.)


The Minister Plenipotentiary of the French Republic with the United

States of America, to the French Citizens who reside or travel in the United States.

FROM the dawn of our revolution the tricoloured cockade has

been the rallying point of those energetic men, whose generous efforts gave the first blow to arbitrary power. At their call the French nation, bent for centuries under the yoke, shook off that long drowsiness; twenty-four millions of men adopted that august symbol ; they exclaimed, “ We shall be free !" and all opposition was defeated, and the throne tumbled down in the dust, and ail Europe, armed against them, has been vanquished.

The Republic decorates all her citizens with those national colours, the sacred fymbol of liberty which they have won.

Frenchmen who are absent from their native land ought not, amidst nations allied with their's, to lay aside the distinctive mark which, by making them known, fecures to them the protection and reciprocal respect guarantied by our treaties with those nations.

Those who from a guilty indifference should fight that right, exempt themselves from that duty; those could lay no claim to that protection, they would renounce the support of the agents of the Republic.

But, Citizens, I am persuaded that, at the call of the minister of the French Republic, you will halten to put on the symbol of a liberty, which is the fruit of eight years toils and privations, and of five years victories.

Thus you will draw a line of demarcation between you and those contemptible beings, whose unfeeling hearts are callous to the sacred name of native land, the noble pride with which the freeman is animated by the fenfe of his independence.

Thus you will fignalize those still more degraded beings who, being sold to the enemies of the Republic, drag from clime to clime a life overwhelmed with misery and contempt; wretches whom history will not call to remembrance, except to perpetuate their disgrace.


The use of the French chanceries, the national protection, will not be granted to any Frenchman but those who, perfectly sensible of the dignity attached to the title of citizen, Thall take a pride in wearing constantly the tricoloured cockade. The Executive Directory of the French Republic have pronounced thus. Being the organ of their decisions I communicate them with pleasure to my fellow-citizens. As for those who, although Frenchmen born, have ceased to be Frenchmen, I do not speak to them ; the public voice will inform them of their exclusion.

Done at Philadelphia, the 12th Brumaire, the fifth year of
the French Republic, one and indivisible.

P. A. ADET. Philadelphia, Nov. 7.

4 Proclamation, by George Washington, President of the United

States of America,

WHERCAS an explanatory article, to be added to the treaty

of amity, commerce, and navigation, between the United States and his Britannic Majesty, was concluded and signed at Philadelphia, on the 4th day of May last, by Timothy Picketing, Esq. secretary of Nate, on the part of the United States, and by Phineas Bond, Efq. the commissioner of his Britannic Majesty, which explanatory article is in the words following:

EXPLANATORY ARTICLE. Whereas by the third article of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, concluded at London on the nineteenth day of November, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four, between his Britannic Majefty and the United States of America, it was agreed that it should at all times be free to his Majesty's subjects, and to the citizens of the United States, and also to the Indians dwelling on either side of the boundary line assigned by the greaty of peace to the United States, freely to pass and repass, by land or inland navigation, into the respective territories and countries of the two contracting parties on the continent of America (the country within the limits of the Hudson Bay Company only excepted), and to navigate all the lakes, rivers, and waters thereof, and freely to carry on trade and commerce with each other, subject to the provisions and limitations contained in the said article: And whereas, by the eighth article of the treaty of peace and friendship concluded at Grenville, on the third day of August,


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