On the appointment as governor of Shangtung of the "phenomenally able and energetic" general, Yuan Shih K'ai, the permanent suppression of the outbreak was expected; but he had scarcely taken over the seals of office and set himself to his work, before he began to have orders from Pekin not to be too rash or too impetuous, not to confound harmless militia with rebels, and the like. Dr. Smith continues:

"As a rule, the Government has wisely forbidden militia organizations except under strict surveillance. The relaxation of its restrictions must have a settled purpose; there are still (probably in March) bold threats that in the spring there will be a forward movement, when the Boxers will advance upon Tien-Tsin, coöperating with the foreign-hating General Tung Fu Hsiang and drive all foreigners into the sea. The Government studiously refrains from doing the only thing that would put an end to the rising at once arrest the main leaders and hold them to a strict responsibility."

To this testimony regarding the attitude of the officials at the opening of the outbreak might be added that contained in the letters now arriving from the region of Pekin, which indicates that a similar official supineness preceded the northern outbreak.

The case of the foreigner in China is not primarily against the people, but against the Government. From the beginning the governing classes the officials and literati - have fostered the anti-foreign prejudices of the people; and at frequently recurring periods they have played upon the ignorance and superstition of the masses, instigating the riots in which so many foreigners have lost their lives and so much property has been destroyed. Dr. Martin, after fifty years' intercourse with the Chinese, asserts that if the people were unwilling to have missionaries live among them, we should have to count many more than twenty riots during this quarter of a century. That they are not incensed at the introduction of foreign goods is manifest from the vastly increased sale of foreign merchandise. The Chinese people are easily controlled by their officials when the latter act in good faith and in accordance with law and custom. Had the Chinese Government entered freely and heartily upon the obligations assumed when the treaties were signed, anti-foreign outrages would have been so few as to form a very unimportant element in diplomatic affairs.

Primarily, the so-called "Missionary Question" is occasioned neither by the rashness or unreasonableness of the missionaries, nor by the unrestrainable antipathy of the people, but by the insincerity and duplicity of the Chinese Government. Sporadic instances of rashness

on the part of missionaries may, perhaps, occur, and some of the Chinese people are bitterly anti-foreign; but if the Imperial edicts regarding Christianity and foreigners had been "the spontaneous expression of the Imperial will," the irreconcilables of both classes would have been in a hopeless minority. The Chinese Government has fostered and developed the anti-foreign feeling both by its manner of punishing offences against foreign citizens and by its method of intercourse with the representatives of sovereign sister states. It is the chief criminal, and the one upon whom punishment can and should be visited.

The purpose of punishment should be to make it either morally or physically impossible for the criminal to continue his wrong course. Vengeance, in the sense of retaliation, is equally barbarous whether sought by a Chinese mob or by the German Emperor. The Chinese are keenly alive to moral distinctions. To render the repetition of antiforeign outrages physically impossible, it would be necessary to divide China into very small sections, and, having taken the governing power from the Chinese, to maintain very considerable forces of foreign troops. This course would tend to the ultimate advantage of neither Chinese nor foreigners. The Manchus and the Chinese have remained separate peoples through these more than two hundred and sixty years of Manchu rule, and the Chinese are still distinctly conscious that they are governed by foreigners. How much more difficult would it be to secure the mental and moral sympathy without which profitable and peaceful European rule in China would be well-nigh, if not quite, impossible!

To punish the Chinese Government, to make it the administrator of its own punishment, and to render by moral means the repetition of outrages against foreigners increasingly impossible this should be the policy of the powers in the settlement which must end the present disturbance. The mind of the Chinese nation will never be changed by physical force. William of Germany, having planted his banner on the walls of Pekin, may raze them and destroy the whole city, and, granting no quarter, may slay his tens of thousands. But in so doing he will but intensify the anti-foreign bitterness. In the elimination of this spirit lies the only hope for satisfactory intercourse. This hatred of foreigners in China, as in other lands, is chiefly due to ignorance. The Government at Pekin has fostered and perpetuated it by insincerity in its dealings with foreign nations. A settlement of the claims growing out of this war ending with the

payment of indemnities and the granting of additional commercial rights to foreigners will leave the root of the difficulty untouched, and but comparatively short time will be required to produce a fresh crop of outrages. To the above must be added reforms in the Government, besides privileges and opportunities granted not alone to foreigners but to the Chinese people as well.

The

Although in form a pure despotism, the Government of China is exceedingly sensitive to public opinion. Reforms, the benefit of which will be felt by the people, must be demanded of the Government and guaranteed to the people by the foreign powers. American people, acting through their Government at Washington, can make such demands and extend such privileges to the people of China. We alone, of the great powers, have seized no territory belonging to China. Our reputation for good faith among the Chinese is high. The treatment of Minister Wu by the Government at Washington will have a good effect. Reforms which will have to be forced upon the mandarin will be welcomed by the people. At the same time there are men of experience and character in the mandarinate who would rejoice to see the changes and who could lead in their execution. K'ang Yu Wei and other reformers who escaped the destroying sword of the Empress Dowager can be called on to assist the Emperor. Such a programme will be more easily carried out, because it will appear to be simply a continuation of the plans of the Emperor which his aunt, the Dowager, so ruthlessly checkmated. If the usurping Dowager be made to keep her hands off, and Kuang Hsu be given the power which properly belongs to him as Emperor, there is no reason to doubt that the proposed reform programme can be made effective.

This is not the place to suggest a detailed scheme of reform, but it may be said briefly that among the things most seriously needed are: (1) the abolition of the "kotou," which would lead to a freer intercourse between the Emperor and his officials, and would result in placing the Emperor in position to judge and act independently; (2) the sifting from the mandarinate of vast numbers of supernumeraries, who exist only for the purpose of drawing their salaries and of acting as drags to retard progress; (3) the payment to all officials of salaries sufficient for the conduct of the affairs committed to them, thus removing the present virtual necessity of levying unjust and irregular taxes or "squeezes"; (4) the reform of the Internal Revenue System, by the honest administration of which the Government

might greatly increase its income; (5) the extension of the postal system; (6) a free press; (7) the establishment of a modernized system of education, open to poor as well as to rich; (8) the opening of the country to freer trade with foreigners; (9) navigation by steam vessels of all suitable waters, etc., etc.

Before any such programme can be suggested to the Chinese two important steps must be taken by the powers. The first of these is to dispose permanently of the Empress Dowager and her anti-reform advisers. She is the arch-enemy of all foreigners as well as of progress and reform. If she is left in Pekin, and if the men through whom she effected the "coup" of 1898 and instigated this present outrage are allowed their liberty and are retained in office, no hope of honest reform can be entertained. The second step is to reëstablish Kuang Hsu, and to guarantee the integrity of his empire, and, moreover, the world-wide discussion of the partition of China must cease. If these things are done, there is every ground to expect a peaceful revolution in China, which will be of the greatest advantage to the whole world. Only as such internal changes are wrought will the antiforeign spirit of the Chinese be dissipated and permanent peace be secured. LLEWELLYN JAMES DAVIES.

YESTERDAY AND TO-DAY IN MOROCCO.

By the western gate of the Mediterranean, where the narrowed sea has so often tempted invaders, the decrepit Moorish empire has become itself a bait for those who once feared it. The Moors, whose ancestors conquered Spain, the greater part of Portugal, and even provinces of southern France, anxiously scan the horizon to discover who would conquer them if rivals allowed it. While the provincial and fanatic maintain that no power exists on earth like that of their lord the Sultan, 'Abd el 'Azîz — “may God lengthen his days and send him victorious" and construe the presents of Nazarene ambassadors as fear-wrung tribute, their rulers are better informed, and it is dread of Europe that keeps Morocco closed and benighted. The good faith of no adviser is believed in, and a hidden motive is sought for whenever reforms are urged. If the development of mines or agriculture, the improvement of harbors or means of communication, be recommended by the representative of one power, there is always another to show why that particular concession should not be granted, why danger, not advantage, lurks in progress in that direction.

So Morocco remains untouched, save where a fringe of Europeans on the coast purvey the luxuries from other lands that Moorish tastes demand, and in exchange take produce that would otherwise be hardly worth the raising. Even here the foreign influence is purely superficial, failing to affect the lives of the bulk of the people; and the towns in which Europeans reside are so few in number that whatever influence they do possess is limited in area. Moreover, Morocco has never known foreign dominion, not even that of the Turks, who have left their impress on the neighboring Algeria and Tunisia. None but the Arabs have succeeded in obtaining a foothold among its Berbers, and they, restricted to its plains, have long become part of the nation. Thus Morocco, of all the North African kingdoms, has always maintained its independence, and, in spite of the changes around, continues to live its own picturesque life.

Picturesque it certainly is, with its flowing costumes and primi