H. OF R.]

Minister to Russia.

[JAN. 13, 1831.

and impassioned eloquence of a Clay--to the lucid, com- of the subject might be expected to inspire. It wore no manding, and solid argument of a Webster; but for a semblance of that impartial criticism which distinguishes combination and profusion of all the weapons of parlia- an effort of the mind to work out a fair result. mentary war--of wit, irony, sarcasm, imagination, and The suggestions of reason and justice were not allowed eloquence--he was surpassed by none--nay, sir, as a to impede his hasty conclusions, or to dispute their equity. parliamentary orator, he was unequalled. He combined all His determination was to sneer at Virginia, right or wrong, the skill of a debater-the genius of a poet--with the Let me assure the honorable gentleman that Virginia patriotism and sound philosophy of a statesman. The fears not the result of a comparison with Vermont, or any people of this country owe him a large debt of gratitude, other State in this Union. It does not become me, standHe was ever the vigilant enemy of power, and the devoted ing in the relation I do to her, to speak of her in terms friend of our ancient and excellent constitution. With a which my knowledge of her merits, and her own history political foresight and sagacity, beyond any of his distin- would prove; but I may say, without impropriety, that guished rivals for parliamentary honors, he detected in the the annals of this nation may be safely appealed to, in embryo, and resisted with prophetic wisdom, those mea- proof that her full quota of virtue, intelligence, and sures which laid the basis of that gigantic accumulation of patriotism, has been contributed in winning the liberty, federal power and taxation which we are now so zealously and securing the happiness we now enjoy. endeavoring to check and moderate. The honorable gentleman has not been content with Such, sir, is the distinguished man--with thirty years' ridiculing Virginia. He has found it agreeable to his experience in the public service--with a familiar know-feelings, or consistent with his policy, to impute to the ledge of all our national concerns, foreign and domestic-minister at Russia motives of private speculation in the such the man to whom the President assigned the charge acceptance of this mission. He tells us that, a few years of our mission to Russia. With a frame constitutionally ago, he heard a great deal of constructive journeys, and infirm, he departed upon his mission, and was necessarily asserts that this mission is the most apt illustration of his left at liberty to leave his station, should his health require idea of a constructive journey. The gentleman, to use it. He retreated, through an evident necessity, from the his own beautiful phrase, wants "a man of bodily inclemencies of a Russian winter. Had he ventured, sir, strength, who can stand face to face with the Emperor of to remain, and, with his feeble constitution, to encounter Russia." Was ever a charge made more heedlessly? Was the horrors of a Northern winter, we should not now have the wantonness of factious zeal ever distinguished by had occasion to discuss this miserable question about his evidence so unerring, and so irresistible, as the ascription salary! The career of this eccentric but illustrious man of such motives to John Randolph furnishes on this is near its close. Perhaps, even now, Mr. Speaker, while occasion? we are debating this wretched motion, Providence may Is the gentleman aware that he speaks of a man of have placed him beyond the reach of all his enemies. fortune! a man of substance! of him who has land and Should it be so, sir, every honorable adversary will leave slaves! whose income is from his crops-certain, fixed, him to his repose. None will pursue him there--none regular, yea, as uniform as nature in her seasons--as invawill hover over his grave-save the bald vulture and riable as produce in its price? He does not speak of croaking raven. some Eastern manufacturer who, to-day, is rich, and toMr. MALLARY again rose, and enforced the views morrow is a beggar-whose capital and income depends taken by him in the earlier stage of the debate, which upon the ebb or flow of public opinion--on the right or have been already reported. policy of the tariff system, or the quiescence and submisMr. COKE, of Virginia, rose at a late hour of the day,sion of the laborer to be shorn of the just remuneration and said that he regretted the necessity which constrained of his toil. No, sir, John Randolph, if of a temper to be him to present himself before the House at that late influenced by mercenary motives, is above their influence. period of the day, and at the present stage of the discussion. I should not do justice to myself, said Mr. C., if I omitted to state, that I appear under disadvantages which greatly embarrass me in the performance of the duty propose to attempt. I feel bound to sacrifice all personal considerations, when they conflict with a sense of duty, such as now actuates me, in the effort to sustain my colleague in rescuing my State, my countryman, who is absent, and the administration, from the scoffs and sneers of the gentleman from Vermont, and the gentleman from Rhode Island.

I

The gentleman, in his profile of a man fitted for a foreign mission, has laid great stress upon personal strength. I have now learned, for the first time, under the counsel of the gentleman from Vermont, that educa tion and refinement, tact and talent, are subordinate considerations in the formation of a character for diplomacy. If this position be well founded, if it be true that dignity, combined with high intellectual endowments, shall yield the posts of trusts and usefulness to mere corporeal strength, must acknowledge the appointment to be indiscreet, and admit (what I must otherwise deny) that the gentleman It may not be amiss here to notice the valor and pru- from Vermont is himself reformed into fitness for this dence of the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. STANBERY.] distinguished station. He submitted the motion to strike from the bill the sum But the gentleman, in the ardor of his opposition, has proposed to be appropriated for the minister in Russia, denied that Mr. Randolph is a man of distinguished ta out of which this angry discussion has grown; and when lents. He tells us he is a mere retailer of poetry, utterly the consequences were realized, which previous concert unfit for such a station. This observation presupposes with distinguished gentlemen of his party had, probably, in the gentleman from Vermont a capacity to form a corsecured, he warily retires from the scene, and eludes the rect judgment upon the subject. But his vain confidence attacks which his temerity had provoked. That it was does not stop here. He imagines himself better qualified prudent to secure himself from dangers against which he to determine the fitness of the individual for the station was not fortified, I cannot deny; and that his firmness sank he fills, than the President who nominated him, or the under the perils of his situation, is an apology which ex- Senate who confirmed and approved the nomination; and cuses his retreat, I am not unwilling to admit. obliquely censures the wisdom of those sages who placed The gentleman from Vermont, [Mr. MALLARY,] with the power of appointment where it now resides. What his peculiar dignity of manner and style, has instituted a immeasurable vanity! To what extremes of folly it drives comparison of Virginia with Vermont, Connecticut, and those who cherish it.

Massachusetts. The effort did not commend itself to the I have now to notice some of the observations made by impartiality of this intelligent body, by any of those ap- the honorable gentleman from Rhode Island, [Mr. BUBpearances of respectful consideration which the dignity [GES.] Before i do so, I must be allowed to say that I

JAN. 13, 1831.]

Minister to Russia.

[H. of R.

have often regretted, and never more than on the present lavish their abuse of him; or, is it more probable that the occasion, the unsparing censure which that gentleman mission should have been accepted by Mr. Randolph, for never fails to bestow on those who are opposed to him in the pleasure of falling sick in Russia? No, sir; it cannot politics. Charity never whispers that men who err, (which be doubted that the mission was offered and accepted in they who think differently from himself are always sup- the expectation that Mr. Randolph's health would enable posed to do,) err from mere mortal weakness--that per- him to remain in Russia until his object was accomfection and infallibility are attributes reserved to himself plished.

by the God who created us, and that man, when turned But the gentleman has insinuated that the object was to out of the hands of his Maker, was, as he is now, a short- flatter the minister, and the State from which he comes, sighted mortal, not having the capacity to see, and to into submission to the views of the President. Can it be know, and to provide for all things that are to happen. necessary to remind the honorable gentleman of the noble He holds his opponents bound to know and to countervail disinterestedness and generous self-devotion of the person the high decrees of heaven. Censure so indiscriminate of whom he speaks, to convince him that the suggestion denotes the absence of an ennobling virtue, and baffles has no foundation? Need I remind him of that which the its own purposes. records of this House, and the chronicles of the times, will The gentleman complains loudly of the appointment of abundantly prove, that John Randolph has been opposed Mr. Randolph, his want of talents, and his departure for to those in power, from the days of General Washington Russia. The Machiavelian policy of the President repre- to the last moment of Mr. Adams's administration, in order sents him as putting his name to a message written by to show him and this House that he did not seek promosomebody else, and, in terms of contumely, concludes tion by wooing and courting those who could dispense that the appointment was necessary to conciliate Virginia. favors? No, sir; evidence in refutation of such a charge The first remark I have to make on this subject is, is wholly unnecessary, since the gentleman who made, that, in my judgment, the subject of a speech does not and those who heard it, must be assured that it has been exempt the speaker from the operation of those rules of made, and is attempted to be sustained, by a zeal of oppodecorum which a gentleman ever acknowledges in all sition which seizes every occasion to diminish the popular places. Precedents, in the violation of those principles, fame of the individuals involved in it. acquire no sanctity or authority from the eminence of the But, sir, the gentleman emphatically asks, where are individual by whom they are practised; the breach is more John Randolph's monuments? He has not seen them--he palpable and inexcusable in such persons, than when has not heard of them. I answer, they are not to be found committed by those who may not be presumed to be so in the offices he has received at the hands of this Governwell informed of their obligations. But, Mr. Speaker, ment. The records of appointment do not show them. reckless as I know to be the temper in which this motion It has not occurred in my day, nor in any other of which was made, and ruthless as I knew the war against all I have read, that opposition to power has been rewarded persons concerned in this appointment, I could not have with promotion by those who are opposed. But I point imagined that the gentleman would have been betrayed the gentleman for an answer to his question to the people into reflections, so gross and undeserved, upon the minis--there, in the hearts of his countrymen, he will find the ter, the State from which he came, and the President monuments which gratitude for his devotion to their infrom whom he received the appointment. There is, in a terests, and to the cause of liberty, has raised to him, desperate attack upon an absent man, so little of that and which continuing confidence cherishes with religious magnanimity and nobleness of mind which lofty spirits veneration. John Randolph, like the State which claims seek occasion to practise, that I could not have expected him, would not flatter "Neptune for his trident, or Jove any one to seize a mere pretext to show himself wanting for his power of thundering."

measure.

in those properties. But, sir, it only proves what I have The proffer of the appointment was made and accepted, long believed, that every exercise of the gentleman's in the hope and expectation that the best interests of the powers, which are confessedly great, is directed with a nation would be subserved; and if the minister has fallen view to the prevalence of some factious interest or party sick, it is the act of God, not the crime of the President, or of the minister. Not less unfounded, or less excusable, He tells us that the minister at Russia has fled from the is the insinuation that the appointment was necessary to rigors of the climate to foggy England, instead of resort- conciliate Virginia. In what did the lure consist? In ing to the genial climate of Italy; and by an insinuation, the offer of a foreign mission to one of her citizens, the unworthy of himself, intimates that the appointment was gentleman would say. How long, may I inquire, sir, is made to win over Mr. Randolph to the support of a weak it since the ambition of Virginia was tickled with such administration, and to tempt the independence of Virginia. a toy? Cheap, indeed, must be her integrity, when it Sir, I am the slave of no faction. I have not sworn fealty is struck off at such a bid. The insinuation is unworthy to this administration, or sued for smiles and favor by the of the man who made it, and the place in which it was sacrifice of my independence. I am as when I first came made. A fruitful subject for invective against the Presihere--free to approve all that is good, and bold enough dent has been found in that clause of his annual communito condemn all that is wrong, in the acts of the President.cation to this House, in which he states that Mr. Randolph But, shall a man be held responsible for consequences was allowed to leave Russia in the event that the state of which no human sagacity could avert? Shall censure await his health should render it necessary. the man who, in making an appointment to a foreign mis- This appears to me, of all the monstrous things said by sion, does not ensure that the objects of the mission are the gentleman in the course of his remarks, pre-eminent not impeded or delayed by the dispensations of Provi- in absurdity. Will the gentleman have the goodness to dence? Does the gentleman insist, as a part of his politi- inform me and the House whether there is any thing in cal system, that all appointments to foreign missions are the acceptance of a foreign mission which overrules the injudicious, unless they are bestowed on men having the most valuable of all our natural rights--the right of selfessential properties of Hygeia? Sir, is it reasonable to preservation? If there is not, the permission accorded, believe that the President, embarrassed, as he has been, and which is the source of the clamor, is no boon at all. with every species of opposition, would have appointed a It is nothing more nor less than he would have had a perman whom he knew to be unfit, either by want of talents, fect right to do without it, and could not, with any color or want of health, to accomplish the objects of the mis- of impartiality, have been made a subject for censure, or sion? This would be strange, indeed, that he should give the channel through which factious zeal should discharge to his very indulgent opponents a theme upon which to its malevolence upon the devoted object. There are situ

H. OF R.]

Mileage of Members.

[JAN. 14, 1831.

ations in life, there are offices of public trust, the duties subject will show, as indeed the letter of the Postmaster of which require of the incumbent to brave every danger, General clearly shows, that the result will be essentially rather than seek safety in flight.

The field of battle, and the soldier's post, are stations never to be abandoned without disgrace, while they can be maintained. But I am incapable of discerning any such similitude in the embassy to Russia to a military post, as should require the presence of the minister to be continued at the peril of his life.

I will no longer detain the House in listening to the defence of charges so unjust and so unmerited. I leave the gentleman to that remorse of conscience which must harass the man who has accused the innocent, and abused the virtuous. I am, for the reasons assigned, opposed to the motion made by the gentleman from Ohio.

Mr. CHILTON then obtained the floor; but the usual hour of adjournment having arrived, a motion for adjou ment was made, and agreed to.

FRIDAY, JANUARY 14.

MILEAGE OF MEMBERS."

The House then resumed the consideration of the instructions proposed to be given to the Committee on Public Expenditures relative to the computation of the mileage of members of Congress-the question being on the adoption of the amendment heretofore moved by Mr. HALL on the 12th instant.

the same, and that nothing like equality will be the result. This will be perceived when we consider that most who come to the seat of Government have to travel on curved lines. Those who live on the great public highway which runs from North to South, and do not live very remote from the seat of Government, not only travel upon the most usual public highway, but also upon the most usually travelled post route, and, at the same time, a direct, or nearly direct route. But they may, perhaps, overlook the fact, that others living at an angle either east or west of this great thoroughfare, are compelled to travel more or less in curved lines, and consequently further in proportion to the actual distance in a straight line, and that it is impossible to adopt, as is clearly shown, any rule which will operate precisely equal. A person living one hundred miles from Washington, on or near the great highway, running north and south through the country, would have but one hundred miles to travel, and be paid accordingly; but another might live not more than a hundred miles, and, from his peculiar situation, have to travel circuitously a hundred and fifty. The question is, whether he shall be paid for what he travels, or only for the actual distance from his residence to the seat of Government. The letter of the Postmaster General mentions several cases by way of illustration, to show that the post roste system will not afford an equal rule. He mentions two Mr. HALL said it was not his purpose in rising to de- cases which operate antithetically, the one to the North, tain the House. You know, sir, said he, that I rarely ob- the other to the South. By one, a member being paid trude myself upon the notice of the House; but I feel according to the most usual post route, may yet have traconstrained to do so on the present occasion, because the velled only two-thirds of the distance paid for, while concommittee to which I belong, and myself in particular as versely, on the other, a member may travel on the most chairman, have, by the order of the House, been placed usual post route, and only be paid for two-thirds of the under a responsibility which it was my wish to have re-distance. And these, sir, are not hypothetical cases, deemed in a manner somewhat different from what seem- though antithetical, and the converse of each other. ed to meet the views of the committee. It is known to These are not the only cases of this character; they are the members of the Committee on Public Expenditures, to be found in a vast number of instances. If it is be that my wish was at first to have reported a bill contain-lieved by any one that any plan can be adopted to arrive ing precisely the provisions now offered in the proposed either at equality or retrenchment, more effectually than amendment. The committee, however, were of a dif- the amendment proposes, I think him deceived. I go for ferent opinion; and the report presenting my own views retrenchment, real practical retrenchment; and the gen with some of the Postmaster General's, was made to the tleman from Kentucky, who first introduced the resolutions House, recommending, should it seem good to the House, relative to the subject of retrenchment, (for which he had to give imperative instruction to the committee to report my most hearty thanks,) will bear me out, when I say that a bill according to any of the plans proposed in the re- I accompanied him pari passu around the whole journey port. The committee were bound to consider the pas- he took upon the great road to retrenchment, voting for sage of the resolution offered by the gentleman from every feasible plan, or plan not feasible, which was proKentucky, [Mr. CHILTON,] as an evidence of the inten- posed, under the committees instituted for the purpose; tion or wish of the House that something should be done. and now, according to the good old rule of "one good It was under that impression that I wished to have report- turn deserves another," all I ask of the gentleman is, to ed a bill such as I have mentioned. The committee over-accompany me upon a direct line; my plan is a straight ruled me, as they had the right to do. Conceiving that line, a mathematical line, the shortest line from point to the responsibility placed on me as chairman of the com- point. By the bye, Mr. Speaker, what has become of the mittee had not been redeemed, or thrown off in a manner whole subject of retrenchment, of which we have heard entirely satisfactory, I have availed myself of the amend-so much for several years? Has it died a natural death, ment now proposed to place the subject again before the or, as an old neighbor of mine used to say of one who died House-having done so, the responsibility will rest there; calmly and silently, has it sauntered away? Take it altoand now, as to myself individually, it is of little import-gether, sir, we have made but a sorry business of it. We ance what direction the House may give it. But I must have been palavering here about three years upon the be allowed to say, that if (as I felt bound to concede, general subject of retrenchment, and what have we done? from the large majority by which the resolution for in- Why, sir, so far as I am informed, all we have done has quiry was sent to the committee) it was the will of the been to retrench one little mapmaker, who, if I am rightly House that some alteration in the mode of computing informed, had a salary of $1,500 a year, for copying maps mileage of members should be made, after maturely ex- from copies of maps, taken by somebody else, from maps amining the subject, I am decidedly of opinion that the made by some other person. I do not vouch for this, sir; plan proposed in the amendment now offered is the only it is what, however, I have heard, I believe, both on this one which can work any practical benefit. If this is not floor and elsewhere. And, sir, if I am also rightly inadopted, I feel perfectly satisfied that no alteration of the formed, though we retrenched his salary of $1,500, by mere phraseology of the law will do any good. It is entirely immaterial whether the terms are most usual road, most usual post road, or most usually and necessarily travelled post-route or road. A little examination into the

way of making amends, he has been re-engaged in the business, much more to his profit. This also I only give as I hear it. He had felt bound, in justification to himsel, to place the subject again before the House; he had done

JAN. 14, 1831.]

Claim of James Monroe.

[H. OF R.

so, and should there leave it. He begged leave, however, NAYS.-Messrs. Anderson, Angel, Arnold, Bailey, to correct an impression which, he understood, had been Noyes Barber, Barnwell, Beekman, Buchanan, Burges, improperly made on the minds of some, that, in the re- Butman, Cahoon, Campbell, Childs, Chilton, Clark, Colemark in which he had used the word palavering, he had man, Condict, Coulter, Cowles, Crane, Crockett, Creighintended it to apply personally to some individual. This ton, Crowninshield, Deberry, De Witt, Doddridge, Dorevidently was not the case, as must be plain to any one sey, Drayton, George Evans, Joshua Evans, Edward who heard the expression. The words were, "we have Everett, Findlay, Finch, Gilmore, Gorham, Green, Grenbeen palavering here about three years upon the general nell, Gurley, Hawkins, Hinds, Holland, Howard, Hughes, subject of retrenchment, and what have we done?" Evi- Hunt, Ingersoll, W. W. Irvin, Jennings, Johns, Kendall, dently alluding to the general course pursued here; and Kincaid, Perkins King, Leavitt, Leiper, Lewis, MartinI submit whether or not it has not been a fair subject for dale, McCreery, McIntire, Mercer, Norton, Overton, criticism. I hope no one will make an individual applica- Pettis, Pierson, Polk, Randolph, Russel, Sanford, Shields, tion of the expression to himself, or any one else. Mr. Semmes, Smith, Ambrose Spencer, Henry R. Storrs, Speaker, as my object is to proceed at once with the sub-William L. Storrs, Strong, John Thomson, Tracy, Vance, ject, I ask for the yeas and nays. Whittlesey, C. P. White, Edward D. White, Young.—80. So the amendment was adopted, in the words following: "Resolved, That the Committee on the Public Expenditures be, and they are hereby, instructed to report to this House a bill making it the duty of the Secretary of the Senate and the Sergeant-at-arms of the House of Re

Mr. CRAIG submitted an amendment to the amendment, to add to it the words, "with an allowance of ten per cent. for variation from the direct line."

Mr. DE WITT moved to lay the whole subject on the table. Negatived--yeas 26, nays 159.

The question then recurring on the amendment submit-presentatives, with the aid of the Postmaster General, at ed by Mr. CRAIG,

Mr. BAILEY handed to the Chair the following, which he was desirous of submitting as a substitute for the original amendment:

Strike out after the words "Resolved, That," and insert, so as to make it read

Resolved, That the following be added to the standing rules of the House:

the end of every session, to make an estimate, as nearly as possible, of the actual distance (in a direct line) of the residence of each member of the Senate, House of Representatives, and Delegate of a Territory, from the seat of Government; and that the mileage of members of Congress be computed, and their accounts for travelling be settled, according to such estimate."

Mr. VANCE and Mr. BATES both wished to propose further amendments; but they were declared to be out of

It shall be the duty of the Committee of Accounts to report to the House, during the first session of each Con-order. gress, a statement of the distance of the residence of each! That proposed by Mr. VANCE was as follows: That member from the seat of Government; which statement, when approved by the House, shall be the rule for calculating the mileage of the members.

But it was declared to be out of order.

Mr. CRAIG assigned his reasons for offering his amendment. Some members lived on or near the direct line-others did not--and it was his object to pay to those who did not, an addition of ten per cent. to the usual allowance for mileage.

Mr. CHILTON opposed the amendment. If a bill was passed containing such a provision, it would be giving an advantage to those members who lived on the direct line of travel to the seat of Government, of ten per cent. over those who had to travel over a mountainous country, and by a circuitous route.

The question was then put on the amendment proposed by Mr. CRAIG, and decided in the negative.

The question then recurred on the adoption of the amendment proposed by Mr. HALL, and it was decided in the affirmative, as follows:

the Secretary of the Senate and Clerk of the House of Representatives be directed to publish, at the commencement of each Congress, in two of the public newspapers of the city of Washington, a statement of the mileage as charged by the members of their respective bodies.

The SPEAKER was stating how the gentlemen referred to could get at their object, when

Mr. BUCHANAN rose to address the House; but the SPEAKER said the hour for morning business had expired, and the subject must pass over for the present.

The orders of the day were then announced; when Mr. BUCHANAN moved that they be postponed, for the purpose of taking up the bill "for the relief of certain insolvent debtors of the United States;" he said it was a matter of great importance, and he hoped the motion might prevail.

Mr. MERCER regretted that he should be obliged to oppose the motion; the bill for the relief of James Monroe had been made the special order of the day, and hẹ wished it to be taken up, and, if possible, finally disposed of to-day..

CLAIM OF JAMES MONROE.

YEAS.-Messrs. Alexander, Allen, Alston, Armstrong, John S. Barbour, Barringer, Bates, Baylor, Bell, James Blair, Bockee, Borst, Bouldin, Brodhead, Brown, Cambreleng, Carson, Chandler, Claiborne, Clay, Coke, Con- The motion to postpone the orders of the day was nener, Cooper, Craig, Crawford, Crocheron, Daniel, Da-gatived; and, on motion of Mr. MERCER, the House venport, John Davis, Warren R. Davis, Denny, Desha, resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, Mr. FINDDraper, Dudley, Duncan, Eager, Earll, Horace Everett, LAY in the chair, and resumed the consideration of the Ford, Forward, Foster, Fry, Gaither, Gordon, Hall, Hal, bill "for the relief of James Monroe”—the question besey, Hammons, Harvey, Hodges, Hoffman, Hubbard, ing on a motion of Mr. CHILTON to strike out the enactIhrie, T. Irwin, Jarvis, Richard M. Johnson, Cave John- ing clause of the bill.

son, Adam King, Lamar, Lea, Lecompte, Lent, Letcher, When the bill was last before the committee, Mr. Loyall, Lumpkin, Lyon, Magee, Mallary, Martin, Thomas CHILTON moved an adjournment, and was therefore enMaxwell, Lewis Maxwell, McCoy, McDuffie, Miller, titled to the floor to-day; but he declined speaking on the Mitchell, Monell, Muhlenberg, Nuckolls, Pearce, Potter, subject.

Powers, Ramsey, Reed, Rencher, Richardson, Roane, Mr. SPENCER spoke at great length in favor of the Scott, W. B. Shepard, A. H. Shepperd, Sill, Speight, bill, and, in the course of his remarks, vindicated the citi Richard Spencer, Sprigg, Stanbery, Standefer, Suther- zens of the city of New York in the course they had land, Swann, Swift, Taliaferro, Taylor, Test, W. Thomp- taken to procure the passage of a bill for Mr. Monroe's son, Trezvant, Tucker, Varnum, Verplanck, Vinton, benefit.

Washington, Wayne, Weeks, Wickliffe, Wilde, Williams, Mr. COKE and Mr. BURGES also spoke in favor of the Wilson, Wingate, Yancey.-114.

claim.

H. OF R.]

Claim of James Monroe.

[JAN. 14, 1831.

Mr. IHRIE, of Pennsylvania, said: If I were on this ment to purchase a house in Paris. The course thus by occasion to give way to my individual feelings, and per- him pursued, is placed upon the grounds of expediency mitted myself to be under their control, I should certainly and of sound policy. I assume it for granted, therefore, support the claim of the petitioner. No gentleman upon that no such instructions were, in fact, given; and that this floor estimates the character and services of Mr. the Government was not privy to the purchase. Sir, in Monroe more highly than I do; and if it were possible to a step so extraordinary, I would suppose that some prepersuade myself to doubt upon this question, I would vious intimation, at least, should have been given to his freely, and without hesitation, give my vote in favor of Government, and the necessity or policy of the measure the bill. But I have in vain endeavored to satisfy myself explained. I have searched, in vain, for evidence upon with regard to its propriety, and the conclusion to which this subject. There is none upon your records; and it is, I have arrived has been to myself a subject of regret. therefore, that, in the absence of all proof of that deSir, it is a painful subject. That a citizen upon whom all scription, I hold it incumbent on the friends of this the honors of the republic have been bestowed, who has claim to satisfy us that the measure was, at least, expereaped the rich harvest of rewards-whose fame and dient. Indeed, I think, under all the circumstances, the name stand identified with the glory and past history of expediency of the measure should be apparent. The his country--that such a man, in the evening of his day, Committee of Public Safety, in France, shortly after his should be impressed with a belief that his country is recognition by the then existing Government, proffered ungrateful or unjust, is indeed a circumstance much to be to Mr. Monroe a national house for his accommodation, regretted. In the investigation of such questions, how-which he declined to receive, because of that clause in ever, we are not permitted to yield to our sympathies, the constitution of the United States which forbade him nor indulge in personal predilection-there are other to accept any present or emolument from a foreign considerations of a graver character, which must guide us Power; and, for fear this refusal on his part might be in the course we ought to pursue. misinterpreted, it is said he purchased the property

In the view which I have taken of this claim, for question. Sir, I cannot perceive, notwithstanding all obvious reasons, I have confined myself principally to that has been spoken and proved upon this subject, that the memorial of Mr. Monroe himself, which was laid there existed any reasonable ground for this apprehension. upon our tables during the present session, and I think it Mr. Monroe had assigned the true and substantial reason is fairly embraced under the following items: First. For for this refusal, and doubtless the reason thus assigned, in additional expenses in the employment of several assistant the opinion of the Committee of Public Safety, was ensecretaries during his mission to France, in the year 1794, tirely satisfactory, as it certainly was conclusive. The the rent of a house for their service, and other accom- citizens of France, I cannot believe, could expect, that, in modations. Second. For extraordinary expenses in any transaction with their Government, he should violate England and France, arising from his detention there. the constitution of his own country. There is, therefore, Third. For losses sustained in the purchase of a house in my humble apprehension, no soundness in the argu in Paris. Fourth. For gratuities to the citizens of Paris, ment; there was no reasonable cause to fear the displeasure and for assistance extended to American citizens then in of the French Government. France, who made appeals to his generosity during his I do not profess, sir, to be well acquainted with the mission there. Fifth. For compensation in negotiating course usually adopted by this Government with our certain loans during the last war, whilst Secretary of foreign ministers, in regard to their residence. But I War; and, lastly, interest upon all these items, to the cannot understand why Government should at all interpresent period. fere. Are not our ministers in this respect free agents? and is it not reasonable they should be?

In the memorial just referred to, Mr. Monroe puts his A mansion or claim upon the ground that the Government is in his debt, a situation that would be agreeable to one, might not and, in submitting it to your consideration, he expressly perhaps please another. One may prefer the quiet and solicits no indulgence or favor. Sir, if the claim be seclusion of the country, another the bustle and life of a proved a debt due, I apprehend no one here pretends to gay metropolis. One may prefer to live a plain republidoubt but that it should be paid; and whether it be a debt can, another to compete with the wealthy in the glitter or not, appears to me the only inquiry necessary or of his equipage. Whatever the inclination in this respect proper for us to make. By a reference to the report of may be, Government, I apprehend, does not interfere. I the committee of Congress, in 1826, which was raised do not suppose, nor do I desire to insinuate, that Mr. upon a claim at that time presented by Mr. Monroe, it Monroe was unnecessarily extravagant. I desire merely will be perceived that an allowance was then made for to show how very idle, nay, how very inconvenient it would two of the items composing the present claim, viz. For prove, if Government should undertake to control its contingent expenses of the mission to France, from the ministers in the selection of a residence. Sir, if it should 1st of August, 1794, to the 1st of January, 1797, the proceed so far, it might as well go farther; and, besides sum of one thousand four hundred and ninety-five dollars selecting a residence, also control the expenditure of an and eighty-five cents, that being the average allowance to outfit or a salary. Indeed, all that Government reason. all the American ministers in France, deducting one ably can require of its ministers, is an upright and vigihundred and ten dollars previously received; and for ex-lant discharge of their functions; that being accomplished, traordinary expenses incurred by Mr. Monroe's detention it will not stop to inquire where, or how they livein England, by direction of his Government, for the space whether in a hut or a palace.

of two years and four months, the sum of ten thousand But I am wandering from the true point before me. It five hundred dollars, together with interest upon both is said, however, that the purchase of a house assisted in items from the 3d of December, 1810, to the 3d of giving the appearance of permanency to our amicable December, 1825. The action of this House, then, hav- relations with the French republic. Sir, I cannot think ing been already obtained, with regard to two of the so, unless the Committee of Public Safety were very easily items before enumerated, and now again presented, and convinced upon that subject, as they assuredly must have the money having been paid, I consider that, with respect been if the mere purchase of property could induce to them, the account is closed, and therefore, in the few such a belief. In reality, I cannot perceive what possible remarks which I propose to submit, I will confine myself material difference there could be with the French Go to the three remaining items of the demand. vernment, whether your minister's abode was in a rented mansion, for a term of years merely, or upon a purchased estate, at any time, at all times easily sold.

It is not pretended by any one in favor of this bill, that Mr. Monroe had any instructions from his Govern