with the most cordial invitation to enter fpeedily on that series of difcuffion indifpenfable for the removal of our grievances. You have not even given me an opportunity of proving to you this liberality of the Executive Directory. Finally, you have never written except on the subject of your departure; and yet it is the French republic that is accufed in the United States of not wifhing for peace.

Perfidious inftigators will infinuate that it has not always wifhed for it. I will refer them to the epoch, when, for the first time, fymptoms of difcontent were manifefted; that is to fay, on the arrival of the minifter Genet at Philadelphia, in the month Prairial, the first year, a univerfal joy pervaded the United States on account of the declarations he was charged to make. He then expreffed the amicable and generous intentions of the French government, which, ftrong in its own national energy, abftained from calling forth the aid of allies. Soon fome of the measures gave umbrage; they were the effects of a zeal, ill adapted to local circumftances, and unhappily worfe interpreted. The Prefident made his complaints to France at the end of the fame year. The Committee of Public Safety gave immediate fatisfaction; and other agents arrived at Philadelphia the beginning of Ventofe, the fecond year. Their inftructions will bear the light of day; they were not to intermeddle in any party matters; to refpect the government, to endeavour to maintain its neutrality with vigour, to reprefs whatever might tend to deftroy it, and to maintain the rights affured to France by treaties. Such was the fubftance of them, and fuch alfo were the inftructions given to the minifter Adet, who replaced thofe agents in the third year. Certainly nothing could be more pacific.

In the mean time the rights of France were infenfibly neglected; the most important claufes of its treaties were rendered infignificant; its vefiels experienced the most difcouraging vexations. England enjoyed in fafety the advantage of the neutrality of the United States, which, with regard to too confident France, became a fource of loffes. A tranfaction clandestinely carried on finished the fcene, by confecrating to the detriment of a friendly nation the pretenfions of its implacable enemy. From that time there was nothing but adverfe reprefentations between the American government and the minifters plenipotentiary of the French republic, who could on their part not avoid making them: nothing but a correfpondence in which acrimony gained ground more and more. The French government did not interfere; it remained quiet, in the hope that the felf-inter ft of the United States would make them feel that England was drawing them into its vortex. Far from affuming an holtile attitude, it affected indifference, in order to manifeft its patience with dignity. The

crowd

crowd of complaints which poured in, compelled it to quit this character. It declared its grievances the 25th Brumaire, fifth year; and in order to provoke a negotiation too long deferred, it pointed out in the treatics between Paris and London the most proper means of haftening it. No view of aggreffion, no hoftile intention, animated it. In order to obtain fome juftice from the United States, it placed them under the neceffity of demanding juftice themselves. Let us fee if it has refused any honourable propofition.

Mr. Pinckney had fet out before the declaration of the 25th Brumaire, which fufpended the habitual relations. He came to replace Mr. Monroe, and, like him, to explain and palliate the conduct of the United States, without any fpecial power for the negotiation demanded by France. He could not be received, fince he was not in a fituation to fulfil the conditions annexed to his political fituation. The Prefident of the United States thought it his duty to convoke extraordinarily the Legiflative Body. I will not recall to mind his fpeech at their opening, nor the turn the debates took that feffion, but I will fay the impreffion it made at Paris very unfavourably preceded the arrival of the envoys. This circumftance alone railed an obitacle, which fhould have been foreseen at Philadelphia. The envoys themfelves not being willing to comprehend the natural effect of this kind of provocation, contributed to render the impreffion more lafting. It was, however, finally fubordinate to the primitive defire of a fincere conciliation. You will find the proof of this in the expedient fuggefted of treating with you feparately; for a government hoftilely difpofed, would not have adopted fo delicate a step, which, at the fame time that it preferved its honour, manifefted its pacific intentions. You have, Sir, given me to understand, that it would have been proper for the Executive Directory to have fupported the declarations I made you in its name, by a change of the measures which oppressed the commerce of the United States. I may affure you, that your government would have affured this object, by re-establishing the French republic in thofe rights which belonged to it by treaties. But let us be lefs fcrupulous, and more equitable towards each other. Although the measures of France are only the confequence of thofe of the United States, you must have remarked in my propofitions of the 30th Prairial, what the intention of the Executive Directory is, that their refpective pretenfions fhould be examined, and collaterally regulated. It intends by the fame act to raise a lasting monument of the future friendship of the two republics, and the justice they owe to each other; and no idea of falfe glory enters its mind.

In taking leave of you, Sir, I have thought it my duty to you to offer you a teftimony of my efteem. I could no otherwife do

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fo than by the freedom with which I have addreffed you, and by expreffing the regret I feel at your departure under the prefent circumftances.

Receive the affurances of my perfect refpect.

(Signed)

CH. M. TALLEYRAND PERIGORD.

P. S. of the 27th Mellidor. A very ferious circumftance, Sir, has retarded the fending this letter. I know not how it is, that, at every step towards a conciliation, fome fubject of irritation intervenes, and that it is always the United States who give rise to it.

For fome days various advices have come to the Executive Directory. It feems that your government, overftepping all bounds, no longer ufes any precaution to cover its defigns.

A law of the feventh of last month authorizes the attack of every French fhip of war, which fhall ftop, or fhall intend to ftop American veffels. A refolution of the House of Representatives fufpends from the thirteenth of this month all commercial relations with the French republic and its poffeffions. Many plans of laws have been propofed to exclude the French, and fequeftrate French property.

The forbearance of the French Directory has been shown in a manner the most unequivocal. Perfidy can no longer throw a veil over the pacific difpofitions which it has unceasingly manifested.

It is even at the moment of this new provocation, which seems to leave it no honourable alternative but war, that it confirms the affurances I have made on its part. In the prefent crifis, it confines itself to a measure of fafety and prefervation, by laying an immediate embargo upon American veffels, with a provifo to indemnify them, if it can be done. It is ftill ready, and is as well difpofed as ever to terminate, by a negotiation, the differences which fubfift between the two countries. Such is its repugnance to confider the United States as enemies, that, notwithstanding their hoftile preparations, it will wait until it is irrefiftibly im pelled by actual hoftilities.

If you must, Sir, depart, at least hafte to transmit to your government this folemn declaration.

Letter from Mr. Gerry to the Minister of Foreign Relations of the French Republic.

Paris, July 25, 1798.

MR. GERRY having feen, in the Redacteur of this morning, the publication of a letter to him from the minifter of foreign affairs of the French republic, dated the 24th Meffidor, requests

him

him to order a just translation of the answer dated the 20th of July to be alfo publifhed.

Mr. Gerry being on the eve of his departure from Paris, prefumes the minifter will readily comply herewith, to prevent partial and undue reprefentations againft him in his abfence.

Mr. Gerry's Answer to the Minifter of Foreign Affairs' Letter of the 24th Meffidor.

Citizen Minifter,

Paris, July 20, 1798.

I RECEIVED on the 27th Meffidor your letter of the 24th (the 12th of July), on which permit me to make fome obfer

vations.

You allege that in the United States the French republic is accused of not wifhing for peace; and to fhow that it was always defirous thereof, you recur to the arrival of M. Genet in America. Far from accufations of any kind, I wish to cultivate harmony between the two governments, as the folid basis of peace. From that epoch to the departure from the United States of Mr. Adet, the correfpondence of the fecretaries of ftate of the United States, with the French minifters in America, and the American minifters in France, contains the hiftory to that time of the unhappy differences between the two republics, and evinces the fincere defire of the government of the United States, amidst the inevitable embarrassments refulting from the convulsed state of Europe, to preferve harmony and friendship with the French republic, and to perform with fcrupulous attention the duties of neutrality. If by any unfortunate events France had fuftained injuries during that term, ftill the manifeft difpofition of the government of the United States to juftice and moderation, was a fure pledge of redrefs.

When Mr. Monroe was recalled, a minifter was fent to supply his place, and you fay he could not be received, because he was not in a situation to fulfil the conditions neceffary for the renewal of the political connexions. Had he been received, he could have applied for other powers, if neceffary. Nothing is more ufual. The application which you have fo ftrenuously urged on my part, must have been for the renewal of powers annulled by the act of fending away the other envoys: furely then your arguments would have applied with much force to the cafe of a minifter, whofe powers were only fuppofed inadequate to the object of his miffion. The act of rejecting this minifter, accompanied with circumftances of high difpleasure on the part of the government of the French republic, could not fail to wound deeply the government of the United States, and to produce obfervations on fuch an

important event. Let the caufe and effect be buried in oblivion; the remembrance thereof cannot promote harmony. This you will readily accede to, when you confider the amicable and attentive conduct immediately adopted by the American government, in fending three envoys extraordinary, with adequate powers to effect a reconciliation and a renewal of the commercial intercourse between the republics.

From the arrival of the envoys at Paris to the departure of two of them, the objects of their miffion were defeated by infuperable bars arifing from demands of loans, which violating the neutrality of the United States, would have involved them in an immediate war, and of pecuniary preparations for the obfervations hinted at. Towards the end of that period, after impofing on me fecrecy, you ftated the embarraffments and diffatisfaction of the Executive Directory, on account of the opinions and converfations of my colleagues, its determination not to treat with them, and its defire to negotiate with me: and you added, that my departure would produce an immediate rupture. Aftonished as I was at this communication, I informed you that I had no powers to treat feparately; the meafure was impoffible: and that, had my powers been adequate, a treaty made under fuch circumftances could never be ratified by my government. You differed from me; we reasoned on the subject, and each adhered to his opinion. I urged in vain the unreafonablenefs of admitting prejudices againft my colleagues without informing them of the caufes thereof, the good effect of removing thofe which might refult from fuch information, and the neceffity of making known to them all that had now paffed between us. You held me to the promife of fecrecy, adding, that, if I would negotiate, we could foon finifh a treaty, for the Executive Directory were not in the habit of fpending much time about fuch matters. You defired another interview, in which, after a difcuffion of the fubject, I confirmed and adhered to my deter

mination.

In this ftate affairs remained for fome time, and I flattered myfelf with the hope, that, failing in the propofition for negotiating with me feparately, your next would be to accredit the three envoys; in fuch an event, the fecrecy mentioned would have been proper. This expectation was ftrengthened by the two fubfequent interviews which they had with you; and you may judge of my furprife on the receipt of your letter of the 28th Ventofe, containing a refufal to treat with two of the envoys, and renewing the propofition to treat with one -Finding that I was the perfon alluded to, and that all hopes of our being jointly accredited were at an end, I again refufed, in the moft politve terms, to negotiate feparately. Another propofition was then made, that, to prevent a rupture, I fhould remain here till information could be fent to my government of thefe events. Embarraffing as fuch a flate was, I VOL. VII, fubmitted

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