despotic power-when the Constitutional safeguards to personal liberty, freedom of speech, of the press, of remonstrance, are ferociously attacked in quick succession, where is the LOUD PROTEST of the Legislature of this Commonwealth? Its members did invoke the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, to witness their solemn vow to support constitutional freedom :-and if we can get nothing at the door of Congress, can we get nothing at the door of the Legislature of Massachusetts? Has the free spirit, the glory of this ancient Commonwealth, departed? LET THE PEOPLE TRY. These resolutions, said Mr. S., are not intended to have a partizan bearing. They speak of the duties, not of a party, but of THE ENTIRE PEOPLE, of all parties and of all creeds. They aim a blow at all parties. Only one individual is spoken of John Quincy Adams. He, certainly, belongs to no party. And to his Fedit I say it, all parties avoid him as they would a red-hot thunderbolt. He is too independent. His conscience is his own-which cannot be said of any thorough partizan.

Mr. Hall of Boston, approved of all these resolutions but the last. He did not rise for the purpose of finding fault, or cavilling; but he deprecated political action, at least in the present stage of the question, as it would excite much clamor, and in his opinion do much harm.

Mr. Garrison replied-He was surprised to hear that sentiment from one of the original signers of the Declaration of Anti-Slavery Sentiments, by the Convention at Philadelphia, which expressly states that we are to make use of moral and political action' for the removal of slavery. True, abolitionists have nothing to do with politics, as understood among politicians, with reference to the political parties of the day; but they have something to do with politics, so far as relates to this question. Surely, they ought not to vote for any man who will not maintain the right of petition, and go for the abolition of slavery, where Congress has the power; and this is all that the resolution affirms. Are we to be deterred from discharging our duty by the clamors of unprincipled and violent men?,

[Further remarks were made by Messrs. Garrison, Hall and others, of which we did not take notes.]

Mr. STANTON. There is political action in this country, on this subject, at the present moment. We feel its oppression now. In the nature of things, there must continue to be political action. Our petitions are thrown under the table, to be swept out with the waste paper of the House, and they will continue to be. Then, the inquiry is, shall we sit quietly by, and permit the present political action to continue, (for continue it will,) or shall we introduce a system of action more in accordance with the spirit of our free institutions? Our brother says, let us avoid political action. Avoid political action? We have political as well as religious responsibilities. We might as well avoid the atmosphere and hope to live, as to dodge our political responsibilities, and to expect the favor of Heaven upon the discharge of our religious duties. In this nation, where the people rule, every man who has a vote, is bound to use it for the promotion of political and moral right.

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Our brother speaks of the consequences' of such a course. The consequences of doing right? The motto of Abolitionists is, ' Duty is ours-Consequences are God's.' Let us not seek to be wiser than Jehovah. But, to calculate consequences for a moment. From any conduct of ours, however unwise, I can scarcely conceive it possible that the consequences should be more disastrous than they now are. What may we expect will be the result, if every abolitionist determines not to vote for any man who will not act right on this question? It will not necessarily lead to the organiza

tion of a political anti-slavery party :-but, every candidate who comes before the public, will be interrogated on this subject, and the consequence will be, that the pres ent political parties will set up anti-slavery men. It has been so in the temperance cause:-it will be just so in this. Such has already been the case, in some parts of the country. The political papers in Mr. Slade's district, in Vermont, got into a warm contention upon the question, which of their candidates was the greater abolitionist! I am no politician, in the common acceptation of that term. I abher the conduct of both and all parties, and shun their squabbles as I would the miasma of a pest-house. But, I would fain have good men to rule over us. Let it be known that there are 10,000 men of uncompromising integrity in Massachusetts, who will not bow the knee to the Baal of party, and Baal tumbles to the ground. To secure these 10,000 votes, the contending parties will cach nominate good men, and then, whichever may succeed, our end is attained. Then, too, abolitionists may vote according to their party preferences concerning other subjects, and yet their liberties be secure. But, whatever may be the result, the responsibility is upon us, and discharge it we must. Political action is now had, and will be, though we are silent. Shall the people so act as to renovate the politics of this country, and thus save our liberties; or shall they slumber on till they have passed away forever?

The resolutions passed unanimously, except the last-and that, with but one dissenting voice.

Mr. JAMES SPOONER, Jr. introduced the following resolution, which was adopted:

Resolved, That the thrilling narrative of that stolen man Johnson, of itself, forcibly illustrates the meaning of Jefferson's declaration, I tremble for my country when I remember that God is just ;' entirely removes the charge that Abolitionists magnify the evils of Slavery; and loudly calls for the active sympathies of every free man, woman, and child in our land.

Rev. Mr. EASTON, a colored gentleman, introduced the following resolution: Resolved, That the spirit of insurrection and insubordination of the slave population of this country, is restrained more by the influence of the free colored people thereof, than by all the oppressive legislative enactments of the slaveholding States.

Mr. Easton said, the resolution intimated that the eyes of Abolitionists might get off the right object. Another thing, also: Abolitionists may attack slaveholding; but there is danger still that the spirit of slavery will survive, in the form of prejudice, after the system is overturned. Our warfare ought not to be against slavery alone, but against the spirit which makes color a mark of degradation. He said the choicest interests of this country are, in the Providence of God, committed to the free people of color. They understand this; I mean the intelligent portion of them. I speak as their representative, when I say they are conscious of the great responsibility that rests upon them. They hold an intermediate position between the oppressor and the oppressed, to oppose the opposition of the one, and to hold in check the exasperated feeling of the other.

Mr. STANTON remarked, that the agents of the American Anti-Slavery Society were instructed to wage the same warfare against prejudice which they do against slavery, and if possible to kill them both at one blow. The resolution passed. After attending to some other miscellaneous business, the Society adjourned.

OFFICERS OF THE MASS. ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,

FOR 1837.

PRESIDENT.

FRANCIS JACKSON, Boston.

VICE PRESIDENTS.

THOMAS LONGLEY, Hawley.
JOSEPH SOUTHWICK, Boston.
MOSES THACHER, N. Wrentham.
SAMUEL J. MAY, South Scituate.
GARDNER B. PERRY, Bradford.
ORANGE SCOTT, Lowell.

JOHN G. WHITTIER, Haverhill.
WM. OAKES, Ipswich.

ISAAC WINSLOW, Danvers.

LUTHER WRIGHT, Woburn.

THEOPHILUS PACKARD, Shelburne.
MASON BALL, Amherst.
ASA HOWLAND, Conway:

GEO. GOODYEAR, Asliburnham.
E. L. CAPRON, Uxbridge.

AMOS FARNSWORTH, Groton.
NATHANIEL EDDY, Middleboro'.

GEORGE H. SMITH, Salem.

SAMUEL WILLISTON, E. Hampton.
THOMAS W. WARD, Shrewsbury.

ANDREW ROBINSON, New Bedford. WM. WHITTAKER, North Salem.

DISCUSSION

IN THE

MASSACHUSETTS HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

ON THE ABOLITION QUESTION.

[From the Boston Daily Advocate.]

WEDNESDAY, January 25, 1837. The Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, after having engaged Julien Hall for their meeting, and advertised it, conformably, were ordered out of it. The Society yesterday morning applied for the use of the Hall of our House of Representatives, and it was granted without debate, but soon after the House found itself in the midst of the abolition excitement, as Mr. Field of Charlemont, moved the following order:

Ordered, That the committee to whom the subject of slavery has been committed, be instructed to consider what peculiar obligations are imposed on the non-slaveholding States, and Massachusetts in particular, in relation to slavery;' which was carried, 114 to 87. Mr. Lee of Templeton, then moved to reconsider the vote, on the ground that this order would open a consideration of the whole subject of slavery, which he wished to avoid.

Mr. Park of Boston, asked the gentleman from Charlemont, if he did not, when he entered the House, hold up his right hand and swear to support the Constitution of the United States ?

Mr. Field of Charlemont, thought there might be some doubt as to the true construction of the Constitution in this respect, and therefore wished for light.'

Mr. Goodrich of Roxbury, thought the order too broad and indefinite in its wording, and embracing too wide a field of inquiry.

Mr. Rantoul of Gloucester, did not see any present necessity for legislative action, and of course action would be unprofitable. When there was a real necessity, he would act, but he hoped the time would never arrive requiring the entertaining this question.

Mr. Richmond of Plymouth, hoped the subject would be discussed, and light thrown upon the constitution in respect to it. If we dare not look at this subject, we ought to stop praising ourselves in 4th of July orations, about our liberty.

Mr. Perkins of New Bedford, hoped the order would be reconsidered. As one of the committee alluded to, he was entirely unprepared to express any opinion on the grave constitutional questions involved in this inquiry.

Mr. Whittemore of Cambridge, hardly knew what the order meant, or what the mover would be driving at, and could not understand what possible benefit could arise

from it. He should oppose the passage of the order, not wishing to see the State of Massachusetts, as such, take any part in this controversy.

Mr. Field wished an opinion from the committee, based upon a deliberate exami. nation of the whole subject.

A member, whose name we could not hear, (as the Speaker names them very indistinctly, and in a low tone,) opposed the order. The House had, this morning, granted the use of their Hall to the Anti-Slavery Society. If this order passed, the next thing would be to attack the right of property in slaves.

Mr. Blake of Boston, believed that no two members of the House disagreed on the abstract question of slavery; but, for God's sake, let us keep clear of that fanaticism on this subject which some other States are cursed with in respect to it, from the wellmeant efforts of misguided individuals. There were obvious objections to entertaining this question, and he hoped this vote would be reconsidered, and another vote also, (giving the use of the Hall to the Anti-Slavery Society,) as intended to throw into this House the apple of discord and fire-brands of disunion.

The vote was reconsidered by an overwhelming majority, and the order then neg. atived.

Mr. Park of Boston, then offered an order that permissions for the use of this Hall be suspended, until the Committee on Public Buildings report on the expediency of the same. [This was designed to cut off the Anti-Slavery Society from the use of it, as granted in the morning.]

Mr. Park hoped the Sergeant at Arms would not be pestered with applications for the use of the hall-the hall was now clean, and he wanted to keep it so.

Mr. Richmond of Plymouth, trusted the Anti-Slavery Society would be allowed the use of it. If, after granting the use of it to others, we now took it away from this Society, after having once granted it to them, it would not look well.

Mr. West of Hadley, was in favor of the order, except that part of it which revokes an already granted permission to the Anti-Slavery Society; it would have a bad effect to do so, and so far from putting a stop to excitement, would increase it. Mr. Gray of Boston, was inaudible from the bad cold which appeared to seize the members at the moment he rose.

Mr. Chapman of Greenfield, advocated the passage of the order so far as it was general, but objected to the special retraction of a grant.

Mr. Lee of Templeton, took the same ground.

The general branch of the order was then passed almost nem con.

The suspending clause being then put

Mr. Turner of Scituate, hoped the permission already granted to the Anti-Slavery Society would not be reconsidered-it was fairly given, and should not be retracted. Mr. Kinsman of Boston, moved an amendment, that the committee report forthwith, Negatived by a large majority.

The suspending clause was then negatived, 210 to 180.

THURSDAY, January 26.

Mr. Johnson of Andover, yesterday moved to reconsider the vote by which the use of the Representatives' Hall was granted to the Anti-Slavery Society for last evening.

Mr. Park of Boston, (the great agitator of this subject,) asked for a candid hearing.

Mr. Johnson said the gentleman could not be heard, to which